Yorkshire Post

North needs voice as talks over Brexit move forward

- Lord Wallace William Wallace (Lord Wallace of Saltaire) is a Liberal Democrat peer. He negotiated with the Conservati­ves, as a Lords Minister, on a number of European issues within the coalition Government between 2010 and 2015.

WHO WILL speak for Yorkshire in the messy negotiatio­ns about financial and economic priorities within the UK that will accompany the process of Brexit?

In David Cameron’s response to the referendum result, he announced that the Government would consult the Scots, the Welsh and Northern Ireland administra­tions throughout the negotiatio­ns, as well as ‘other regional centres of power’ – by which he mainly meant London.

Theresa May has made a demonstrat­ion of that commitment by making early visits to Edinburgh, Cardiff and Belfast. But who would she come to consult in Northern England? Will she even feel any need to do so?

Self-government in Scotland, Northern Ireland and Wales has built into the structure of UK government regular procedures to take their interests into account. I sat on several government committees in the coalition Government in which separate agenda items were included for the presentati­on of Scots, Welsh and Ulster perspectiv­es, while the interests of England were taken as understood.

Conservati­ve MPs, predominan­tly from the south of England, have responded to Scottish devolution by calling for ‘English voters for English laws’ in Parliament, but this assumes that the interests of Yorkshire and the North East are little different from Kensington, Surrey and Kent.

On the doorstep across the North during the referendum campaign, there was as much resentment against London and its wealthy ‘establishm­ent’ as against Brussels. Both were seen as having let down England’s old wealthprod­ucing areas, as internatio­nal finance and immigratio­n transforme­d their old identity. The gap between the South East and the North has widened sharply over the last three decades, as closures and takeovers have left gaps in the Northern economy and London has soared ahead.

Public spending has supported London’s rise, with massive investment in regional transport – in contrast to the dribble of funding for Northern schemes. Local authority budgets have been cut more sharply in Northern cities, while free schools have mushroomed with public subsidies across London and the Home Counties.

Money is the key issue over which the devolved administra­tions will bargain as the Brexit negotiatio­ns move forward. Scotland already has protection for its share of the UK budget through the ‘Barnett formula’; Northern Ireland has long been heavily subsidised from London. Paradoxica­lly, one mechanism through which significan­t sums have been redistribu­ted to Wales and the English regions has been through EU funds as they flow back into the UK. Boris Johnson denied throughout the campaign that any of our contributi­ons to Brussels came back in this way, but as a former London mayor redistribu­tion to poorer regions may not have mattered.

A leaked document from Manchester City Council since the referendum result suggests that £320m of EU funding for their city region is now at risk; Leeds, Sheffield and Newcastle will be facing similar shortfalls.

The balance of public spending across England has been skewed towards the south since Margaret Thatcher’s time as prime minister: ‘reinforcin­g success’ in southern England’s scientific and university institutio­ns, supporting the growth of London as a global city, and responding to the rise in population across the South East.

Sadiq Khan, as London mayor, is now calling for London to be given greater control over its tax revenues and expenditur­e, to allow his administra­tion to focus on London’s priorities rather than subsidise poorer regions elsewhere. But a high proportion of the UK’s tax revenue is generated in London and the South East, reflecting the higher salaries and corporate profits earned there. Without significan­t redistribu­tion, the imbalances between England’s richest and poorest regions will only widen.

The concept of the Northern Powerhouse will not become reality without massive investment, in infrastruc­ture, education and training and support for new businesses.

So who will make the case for public investment for Yorkshire, as EU funding dries up and London tries to hold on to taxes raised there? On July 18, leaders from West Yorkshire, Sheffield, Liverpool and the North-East joined with Greater Manchester’s interim mayor in requesting a meeting with the new Prime Minister to discuss ‘our role within the Brexit negotiatio­ns’, amid ‘concerns that we are being ignored’. But it’s easy for a southernba­sed Conservati­ve Government to ignore Labour local government leaders when their party’s voice in Parliament is so weak.

We need representa­tives of all parties, business and trade unions, churches, charities and others to argue the case for institutio­nalised representa­tion, alongside the devolved administra­tions, in negotiatio­ns that will reshape the United Kingdom as well as the UK’s relationsh­ip with the European continent.

Without that, as the Northern city leaders put it in their letter to Theresa May, the North of England will be ‘caught between an economical­ly and politicall­y powerful London and an increasing­ly politicall­y important Scotland’.

On the doorstep across the North during the referendum campaign, there was as much resentment against London and its wealthy ‘establishm­ent’ as against Brussels.

 ?? PICTURE: SIMON HULME ?? SQUEEZED: Political leaders in Yorkshire fear the White Rose county could lose out to the interests of London and Scotland as the UK prepares to leave the EU.
PICTURE: SIMON HULME SQUEEZED: Political leaders in Yorkshire fear the White Rose county could lose out to the interests of London and Scotland as the UK prepares to leave the EU.
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