Honeymoon’s over, now May must deliver our EU divorce
SO FAR so good. Theresa May’s political honeymoon even extended to her holiday and no one appearing to notice that she had left Boris Johnson briefly in charge of the country.
Yet, while the new Prime Minister’s business-like approach to politics has been a refreshing change, she has not had to do much to win the public’s respect because Labour are in such total disarray.
She should not count on this. For, while the coming days and weeks will be shaped by the party conferences and the growing prospect of Labour splitting if the hard-line Jeremy Corbyn is reelected, September will also be the first major test of the new Tory leader’s mettle.
Her Cabinet away-day to discuss Brexit is now followed by this weekend’s G20 summit of world leaders in China, a gathering which was intended to be her predecessor David Cameron’s swansong. Inevitably, the timing of Britain’s departure from the EU, and future status in the world, will dominate.
And then there is the resumption of Parliament next week. If the Commons had been sitting over the summer, the Government would have faced sustained questioning on at least three matters – the decision to delay the Hinkley Point nuclear power station which has caused great angst to the PM’s Chinese hosts, the resetting of the Northern Powerhouse and the decision of Lowell Goddard (a May appointee) to step down from the nationwide child abuse inquiry.
Yet, because none of the issues warranted an emergency recall of Parliament, Mrs May avoided damaging headlines. As of Monday, she will no longer have this luxury.
Even though Labour’s front bench is incapable of providing effective opposition – Mr Corbyn could not even muster a string of questions on the aforementioned Boris Johnson’s gaffes which might have exposed the PM’s judgement over her choice of Foreign Secretary – there are sufficient malcontents languishing on the Tory backbenches to perform this role.
For them, Britain’s decision to leave the European Union on June 23 was the vindication of a lifetime’s campaigning. With the likes of Sir Bill Cash, Peter Bone and John Redwood having nothing to lose – they’re unlikely to be considered for Ministerial roles – they will use every means at their disposal to ensure that the will of the people is upheld.
The longer Mrs May delays triggering Article 50, which will pave the way for the country’s exit from the EU, the greater the mutiny on her backbenches, where the PM enjoys a wafer-thin majority of 12. Yet this re-negotiation should not be about party politics, and how Tory backbenchers define ‘Brexit’, but what is best for the future of the country.
In this regard, I hope the new PM provides clarity before any grandstanding at the Tory conference when Ministers will go off message as they allow their hearts to rule their heads – she should, at the very least, be updating Parliament on the progress made so far and how, to paraphrase her mantra, she intends to determine post-EU policy in the interests of all and not just the privileged few, whether it be intransgient civil servants or those Tory backbenchers who shout loudest. Indeed, a case can be made for a Commons vote to formally acknowledge the referendum result.
To compound matters, this month’s review of Parliamentary boundaries will weaken Mrs May. Though the final outcome – 50 fewer seats – is likely to favour the Tories, some will dig their feet in if there’s any prospect of losing a safe seat. This was particularly harmful to John Major in the early 1990s.
And then there’s the fact that the NHS is on the brink of financial collapse. More money is not necessarily the answer – radical surgery is required so pressure on beds is eased each winter. Yet this will not happen when the ‘big six’ energy companies are not compelled to insulate the homes of those pensioners most at risk of hypothermia.
As such, the question is this: how many battles can Mrs May afford to wage when her political inheritance is such an invidious one. The coming month will provide a clear indication of her prime ministerial qualities – and she should use every opportunity to champion blue collar conservatism.
That means stripping (Sir) Philip Green of his now morally bankrupt knighthood following the collapse of BHS and presiding over an ethical tax policy that rewards strivers; making sure the privatised utilities and railway companies start acting in the public interest and putting skills first.
Given that Britain’s future prosperity, irrespective of Brexit’s precise definition, depends on today’s youngsters having skills relevant to a 21st century digital economy, it also means presiding over a revolution in vocational teaching – like the expansion of the university technical colleges championed by Tory grandee Ken Baker – so 14-year-olds follow either an academic or vocational education.
The Tory party’s march of the makers must begin in the classroom – Yorkshire has most to gain because attainment levels remain the lowest in this country – and also offers Theresa May a chance for her administration to be defined by social reform rather than Brexit. The sooner she seizes the moment, the better – for the Prime Minister, the Government and for the country at large.