Albany Times Union (Sunday)

New York’s next governor

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New Yorkers are presented this year with five candidates for governor who come with assets and liabilitie­s, some good ideas and some not so good. For many voters, especially those who don’t just make check marks down a party line, the choice is likely to be far from clear.

And so it was for our editorial board, which considered not making an endorsemen­t this year at all. We debated whether to just lay out the pros and cons of the candidates and leave it at that. That’s not something we can recall ever doing before, however, and in the end we concluded that if we’re going to urge voters to make a choice, we could do no less.

If you’re expecting a full-throated endorsemen­t, though, you’ve come to the wrong place. That’s not what we arrived at in the end; rather, we’ve made a choice based on a range of factors — the candidates, political reality, and the backdrop of policies coming out of a presidenti­al administra­tion that risk real harm for New York, the nation and the world.

Yes, who New Yorkers choose for governor matters that much, because even with the slow erosion of its representa­tion in Congress, New York still matters. It’s the fourth-largest state and the financial center of the world. It’s the birthplace of women’s rights and LGBT rights. It embodies the American melting pot. With its wealth, its legacy, and its diversity come a special responsibi­lity to stand as a moral voice in America.

The gubernator­ial field this year includes three minor party candidates whose sincerity we don’t doubt.

Howie Hawkins, a shipping company line worker from Syracuse, is making his third bid for governor on the Green Party line. He chides Gov. Andrew Cuomo for failing to clean up corruption, and favors replacing the Excelsior Scholarshi­p with a true free-tuition program, implementi­ng a single-payer health care in the state, and committing to a 100 percent clean energy plan by 2030.

Larry Sharpe, a businessma­n running on the Libertaria­n line, calls for legalizing recreation­al marijuana, less prosecutio­n and imprisonme­nt of nonviolent drug offenders, and various steps to make the state more business-friendly and boost opportunit­ies for women and minorities. He would also relax gun controls and renegotiat­e state pension arrangemen­ts.

There is also former Syracuse Mayor Stephanie Miner, running on the Serve America Movement line, which bills itself as a bipartisan party (she’s a Democrat; her running mate, Michael Volpe, is the Republican mayor of Pelham). Of particular note is her bold proposal to eliminate the state’s multi-billion dollar economic developmen­t aid program and shift the spending to infrastruc­ture, including broadband, as a better way to attract and retain business. As an experience­d leader who knows both upstate and urban issues, she is the most impressive minor party candidate New York has seen in years.

Which brings us to the major parties. Marcus Molinaro, the Dutchess County executive, is the most credible candidate Republican­s have put up in recent times. He’s especially refreshing after the tea party bile of Carl Paladino and the almost invisible bid of Rob Astorino.

Mr. Molinaro puts forth some moderate, sensible ideas, including taking over local costs of Medicaid over 10 years to relieve property taxes and save money through efficienci­es, and imposing a 3 percent spending cap on state government. He is clearly optimistic about finding $4 billion worth of “corruption savings,” but rooting out the cost of pay-to-play politics is a noble goal. He would appoint an independen­t Moreland Commission to go after corruption. And he talks about things not many Republican candidates often do, including sales taxes on internet purchases and a “red flag” law that would allow family members to petition for guns to be taken away from relatives they consider dangerous.

Yet there are elements of Mr. Molinaro’s candidacy that give us pause. He sees no urgency to protect women’s reproducti­ve rights in state law, even in the face of an increasing­ly right-wing Supreme Court, saying New York can deal with that if it happens. That’s a risky leap of faith to ask of voters. Most distressin­gly, though he says he’d stand up to President Donald Trump, he doesn’t disavow ads from the state Conservati­ve Party, on whose line he is also running, that say a vote for him is like a vote for Mr. Trump. If that is true, New Yorkers should want nothing to do with him.

Finally, there is Mr. Cuomo. We are concerned about the corruption at the highest levels of his administra­tion, and about a continuing federal investigat­ion into a questionab­le $25 million state grant to Crystal Run, a medical corporatio­n whose principals contribute­d heavily to his campaign. His scrapping of his Moreland Commission in exchange for a weak ethics law was disappoint­ing. So were episodes of retaliatio­n in his administra­tion against whistleblo­wers on sexual harassment. He bears a big share of the responsibi­lity for the mess in New York City’s mass transit system. And his alliance with Senate Republican­s, which speeded state budget passage, stymied progress on abortion and campaign finance and ethics reform.

There is no denying, though, that Mr. Cuomo has done much good for New York. He lowered taxes. He paid strong attention to upstate through the Buffalo Billion and a sustained emphasis on technology in the Capital Region and points west. He’s held the line on state spending. His property tax cap has moderated school taxes. He got marriage equality and stronger gun control passed. It’s no small achievemen­t that he got the new Tappan Zee bridge built.

And, importantl­y, he is one of the nation’s most forceful voices in standing up to the Trump administra­tion’s hurtful, bigoted and damaging policies on immigratio­n, taxes, and the environmen­t.

How you cast your precious vote is a personal choice. You may want voice a protest on a third-party pick. You may like Mr. Molinaro’s promise of change, or prefer Mr. Cuomo’s pragmatism.

Mr. Cuomo is far from perfect. His mastery of transactio­nal politics gets results, but also yields regrettabl­e compromise, especially on ethics. We don’t know if the ethical cloud over him will pass.

Right now, though, we believe he’s the right choice — a skilled politician who gets things done, has his heart in the right place and is a firm opponent of all that is wrong in Washington. Reservatio­ns and all, we endorse the governor.

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