A gap in America’s defense
To a tumultuous week that already included a partial government shutdown, a tumbling stock market, and uncertainty about the future of a health care system that protects millions of Americans and affects one-sixth of the U.S. economy came three more surprises: President Donald Trump’s decisions to withdraw troops from Syria and pull half of the country’s forces from Afghanistan, and the abrupt resignation of Defense Secretary James Mattis.
It takes no reading between the lines of General Mattis’ resignation letter to divine the reason for his departure, effective Feb. 28. Declaring that “we cannot protect our interests or serve that role effectively without maintaining strong alliances and showing respect to those allies,” and that “we must be resolute and unambiguous in our approach to those countries whose strategic interests are increasingly in tension with ours,” he told Mr. Trump that “Because you have the right to have a Secretary of Defense whose views are better aligned with yours on these and other subjects, I believe it is right for me to step down from my position.”
Translation: Mr. Mattis’ belief in a rational approach to dealing with both allies and adversaries is at odds with Mr. Trump’s denigrating abuse of America’s friends and his erratic, even cozy relationships with its enemies and rivals.
Where this leaves America, one might say only the president knows. If only he did.
Mr. Trump’s moves in recent days are borderline irrational, typical of a president whose foreign policy has long had all the depth of a barstool rant: long on generalities and oversimplifications, devoid of serious intent. Appealing, perhaps, but dangerously ignorant.
To suggest, as Mr. Trump does, that the U.S. can pull out of Syria because the terrorist group known as ISIS has been “defeated” is to ignore reality — that as a terrorist organization, ISIS still very much exists; that a murderous dictator, Bashar al-assad, remains in power; and that the U.S. exit is essentially a proxy war victory for Russia and Iran. And to pull out of Afghanistan prematurely — without brokering a peace accord with the Taliban or leaving in place a government capable of subduing it — is to quite likely cede that country back to an oppressive Islamist group that harbored the 9/11 mastermind, Osama bin Laden.
Sure, we’d all like to be done with both the Syrian conflict and the 17-year quagmire that is Afghanistan, but these precipitous exits are impulses, not moves born of a well-articulated strategy. America can’t afford to play Whack-a-mole with ISIS and other groups. The world is a more dangerous place if Afghanistan once again becomes a haven and staging ground for terrorists, and our interests are not served by letting Russia and Iran expand their sphere of inf luence in the Middle East. Mr. Mattis’ resignation — as clear a protest of a commander-in-chief as one is likely to get from a patriotic Marine general — should give us all pause.
Whatever reservations we had about putting a general in a civilian position, Mr. Mattis has proved to be a stabilizing influence in Mr. Trump’s undeniably chaotic administration. Congress must ensure that his successor is as clear-headed and cognizant of this nation’s strengths and vulnerabilities. And after so long deferring its war powers to presidents — Democrats and Republicans alike — it is urgent that Congress reassert its constitutional role to decide which fights America picks.
A president who not long ago tweeted his philosophy that “trade wars are good and easy to win,” apparently now thinks he can win a real war simply by declaring victory. The reality is that wars are not good and not easy to win. Mr. Trump needs people around him, and Congress, to remind him constantly of that.