The scary lesson of Jan. 6
“The House Committee investigating the January 6th invasion of the Capitol has established in a court filing in California that it finds enough evidence to conclude that former President Donald J. Trump and some of his allies might have committed fraud and conspiracy to mislead the public and to overturn the election.”
— New York Times, March 3,
2022 Finally, after long and deliberate consideration, the House panel charged with pursuing the invasion of the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6 last year has reached a tentative conclusion. Taking testimony, interviewing witnesses and participants, studying media archives, personal photographs, videos and emails of those involved on that day, the committee has come to the conclusion there are sufficient grounds to charge criminal conduct.
What has been obvious to any of us with a knowledge of skullduggery when they see it, what has been gut instinct, has finally been put into careful language in a court filing. It has taken more than a year, but that year is in the necessary, often laborious, tradition of a democracy with its extreme abhorrence of unfounded charges, its deliberate eschewing of the swift trial and even swifter conviction often practiced in authoritarian regimes. Think China or Russia.
And it was this very democratic attention to due process that I’d imagine Mr. Trump had trusted on using to hold power once he had managed to fraudulently remain in office. Of course there would be dissension and outcry, rallies and protests, and surely his bogus claims would have quickly found their way to the courts. But as this was taking its painstakingly democratic due time and deliberation, I’d imagine he would have hoped to consolidate his power — most likely among the military.
For every dictator needs his enforcers. He must have at his immediate disposal resources of intimidation and fear. In short, Mr. Trump and his cohorts were planning a coup. And by what means he determined he would hold sway, unchallenged, as the unelected head of this vast country is more than I can imagine. But imagine he did.
And in light of the subsequent armed uprising, in response to his unfounded claims of a “rigged” election, it has dumdumbfounded me that the man has so far continued to reside at liberty. Uncharged with treason.
But that, again, is the American way. And it is our very reluctance to act without absolute proof of evil intention that Mr. Trump has banked on heavily in his dream of achieving absolute power.
Because our legal system is so inclined to consider benefit of the doubt, in keeping with our democratic ideal of each person deserving a fair hearing and by the very fact that we as a country are wary of con
demnation without lengthy due process, while we were deliberating on what measures were warranted, he would have used every opportunity to win over those with enforcing ability. The National Guard could be mobilized to preserve order at protest rallies. Under the false emergency spurred by his wild ambitions, our military might have been seen as needed to preserve domestic tranquility.
Without firm support, how else could he have continued? These threats were, and still are, a danger for as long as this man remains free and able to rouse a sizable crowd of angry citizens in support of his lies.
As an example, I offer my own rural community, where lawn signs declaring “Biden is not my President” are disturbingly frequent.
It can’t happen here? Yes, it can. And our very fair-minded, benefit of the doubt, sacred free speech mindset is the means of making it possible. It is hard for the innocent to visualize, let alone partake, in the mental gyrations of those who mean harm.
And because this country was founded on, and still maintains, this code of decency and fair consideration, we are vulnerable. We need to mind and guard, as well as value, our innocence and fair play.
Although it is painful to face the true nature of what Trump and his allies had hoped to do, although we may be collectively stunned that the sworn protector of the law of the land was plotting to bypass and overthrow the law of that land, nevertheless we need to admit we have narrowly dodged a bullet. And act accordingly.