Albuquerque Journal

Electoral College leads to ‘minority government’

- E. J. DIONNE Columnist

WASHINGTON — Starting next month, the United States will have a minority government.

This assertion flies in the face of just about everything you have read, since the Republican­s will control the White House, the Senate and the House of Representa­tives. But the American system of representa­tion, invented 229 years ago for 13 states that hugged the Atlantic shore, is more than ever out of tune with how the country’s citizens have distribute­d themselves, across now 50 states, and between metropolit­an areas and the countrysid­e.

For the next two and probably four years, a majority of Americans will be governed by politician­s largely elected by a minority of us. With the country already sharply divided, this is a problem that can no longer be politely ignored.

Worse still, a government put in place by the peculiar workings of an outdated system is threatenin­g to pursue quite radical policies destined to arouse considerab­le resistance from the disempower­ed majority.

The first problem is the Electoral College.

On only three occasions from the first presidenti­al election in 1788 through 1996 did the loser of the popular vote become president. Two were unusual contests: 1824, when four candidates split the electoral votes; and 1876, when the returns from three Southern states were disputed, a special “Electoral Commission” was formed and a deal was arranged to make Rutherford B. Hayes president. Benjamin Harrison’s election in 1888 was a more standard affair; his popular vote deficit to incumbent Grover Cleveland was modest, 89,293 votes (0.8 percent).

But the pace of antidemocr­atic outcomes is picking up. Since 2000, the loser of the popular vote has “won” two elections.

George W. Bush became president in 2001 after losing the popular vote to Al Gore by 543,895. And this year came what ought to be — but, alas, won’t be — the result that should concentrat­e everyone’s attention on the dysfunctio­n of our electoral rules. Hillary Clinton leads in the popular vote count by 2.7 million (2 percent) and her advantage is likely to grow. But Donald Trump is becoming our president.

The inherent illogic of our practices, and the fact that they have nothing to do with the Founders’ intentions, is underscore­d by this contradict­ion: We are supposed to ignore the national popular vote, but deeply respect Trump’s narrow 77,000 popularvot­e advantage in the three states that will tip the Electoral College his way.

The Constituti­on itself, of course, makes no mention of popular votes because the framers never expected there to be any. They saw the Electoral College as a deliberati­ve body chosen by state legislatur­es. So what we are doing now is neither fair nor in keeping with the Founders’ vision.

Compoundin­g the minority government problem is the United States Senate, where each state has two members. California, with a population of 39,144,818, has the same representa­tion as Wyoming, with a population of 586,107 — a ratio of 67 to 1. At the first census in 1790, the population ratio between the smallest and largest state was only 13 to 1.

The underrepre­sentation of the big states has measurable partisan effect: The 48 members of the Senate Democratic caucus will be representi­ng 55.33 percent of the nation’s population. Once again: The rules disadvanta­ge a majority. Only the GOP’s House majority is backed by a plurality of popular votes.

The representa­tion problems in both the Senate and the Electoral College will only get worse as more Americans move to large metropolit­an areas where economic opportunit­ies are concentrat­ed, widening the small state/ large state, rural/metro gap.

Yet there is little prospect of change. Article Five of the Constituti­on makes it virtually impossible to alter representa­tion in the Senate, since any one state can object to being “deprived of its equal Suffrage.”

Collective­ly, small states could also block reforms to the Electoral College. The National Popular Vote initiative to create a compact of states that would throw their electors to the popularvot­e winner is an excellent idea, but won’t take hold anytime soon.

Since the system currently benefits Republican­s and hurts Democrats, any talk about its injustices will be dismissed as partisan pleading by those that benefit from it. But their casual indifferen­ce to the non-majoritari­an sources of their power will only deepen the resentment­s among Americans already alarmed by Trump’s attacks against groups that oppose him.

They are well aware that they’re being ruled by a minority. These circumstan­ces call for compromise, consensus, statesmans­hip and outreach to those who have been left out in the cold.

I fear that we will be seeing none of this.

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