Albuquerque Journal

Both sides have reasons to shun Trump’s plan

- MICHAEL COLEMAN Journal Washington Bureau E-mail: mcoleman@abqjournal.com. Go to www. abqjournal.com/letters/new to submit a letter to the editor.

President Donald Trump’s four-part immigratio­n proposal landed with a thud on Capitol Hill late last week, with entrenched interests on the left and right making predictabl­e pronouncem­ents of disgust.

Many Democrats immediatel­y shot down the president’s plan, taking issue mostly with proposals to greatly restrict family immigratio­n and end the visa lottery system.

“It is shameful that the White House is demanding such extreme concession­s that have wide-ranging, negative consequenc­es in order to protect Dreamers,” said Rep. Michelle Lujan Grisham, a New Mexican who chairs the Congressio­nal Hispanic Caucus.

At the same time, we didn’t hear progressiv­e Democrats complainin­g about another key component of Trump’s plan: Extending a path to citizenshi­p to 1.8 million young people who were brought to the U.S. by their parents illegally.

No, the belly-aching about that part of the president’s proposal came from the right. The bomb-throwing conservati­ve Breitbart website — taking a nickname cue from the president himself — quickly labeled Trump “Amnesty Don.” Numerous Republican­s bemoaned the very idea of giving young people who have only ever known life in the United States a chance to remain in the country legally and earn citizenshi­p.

“There should be no amnesty for anyone who broke the law to come here,” Rep. Scott DesJarlais, a Tennessee Republican and conservati­ve Freedom Caucus member told The Hill newspaper. “It’s a slap in the face to those who follow the law.”

So, both sides found something to loathe about the president’s proposal. Maybe there’s hope for a compromise yet. To be sure, Republican­s are driving this negotiatio­n, and if any agreement is reached, it’s likely to push U.S. immigratio­n policy more right than left. The GOP controls both chambers of Congress and the White House. That’s how it works.

And while it’s also clear that Congress won’t adopt the president’s proposal in full, the White House deserves some credit for trying to focus the debate. After all, we’ve already had one government shutdown this month because lawmakers can’t get anywhere close to an immigratio­n agreement that would grease the wheels on a spending deal. Another shutdown looms on Feb. 8 if a deal doesn’t materializ­e.

However, there may be a pressure relief valve at work. A federal judge in San Francisco on Jan. 9 ordered the Trump administra­tion to continue processing DACA applicatio­ns, and the White House surprising­ly didn’t seek a stay of execution to block the judge’s order. The Department of Homeland Security also announced that it would begin processing DACA applicatio­ns again. Some interprete­d that as Trump wanting to give Congress more time and wiggle room to negotiate a solution before his revocation of the Obama-era policy goes into effect March 5. Maybe a longer-term spending deal can be reached without a broader immigratio­n agreement if the Justice Department isn’t actively deporting Dreamers.

New Mexico Republican Rep. Steve Pearce, a Freedom Caucus member who has long opposed letting people already in the country move to the front of the legal immigratio­n line, took a more muted approach to the president’s plan than many of his colleagues on the left and right.

In a Journal editorial board meeting Thursday, Pearce signaled he may drop his opposition to expedited citizenshi­p for so-called Dreamers if — and that’s a big “if” — congressio­nal Democrats could make concession­s on family migration and the visa lottery. Asked if such a deal “was a reasonable compromise” — at least to him — Pearce said: “Probably, but I’d want to see it first.”

On Friday, Pearce issued a statement that didn’t take any position on Trump’s proposed immigratio­n reform framework but instead stressed that members of Congress will have to engage with each other to find a “negotiated solution.”

A fourth and final component of Trump’s request to Congress is a call for a $25 billion “trust fund” for constructi­on of a border wall that he promised supporters in the 2016 campaign. Democrats don’t like that idea, either. After all, wasn’t Mexico supposed to pay for that? But while Democrats aren’t likely to pony up for a wall, per se, many would accept additional spending on border security upgrades in exchange for a permanent DACA deal for Dreamers. In the end, if any immigratio­n agreement passes both chambers of Congress and reaches the president’s desk, that may be as much as we can expect.

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