Albuquerque Journal

Public election fund useless if it’s empty

Financing system doesn’t just keep costs down, it maintains an independen­t judiciary

- BY DEDE FELDMAN FORMER N.M. SENATOR

Over 10 years ago, in 2007, when then-N. M. House Speaker Ben Lujan and I succeeded in pushing through a bill to publicly finance elections for the Supreme Court and the Court of Appeals, we rejoiced at the prospect of keeping big money and special interests out of some of the state’s most important courtrooms.

Since then the system has worked, with candidates from both sides of the aisle spending much less on races than their counterpar­ts in other states, where the cost of judicial campaigns — and the influence of big contributo­rs who have business before the court — has skyrockete­d.

But in the past few years, the N.M. Legislatur­e has raided the public election fund, which provides the funding for candidates for the higher courts and the Public Regulation Commission. The money has been used to help the Secretary of State’s Office run regular elections, despite a clear statutory obligation to use the funds to implement the Voter Action Act. Now, as we enter the 2018 election season, the fund is more than $1.5 million short, and the 15 candidates who want to run for some of the state’s highest offices are left in the lurch.

It’s time for the Legislatur­e to keep its promises. In 2015, then-Secretary of State Brad Winter went to the Board of Finance for an emergency loan to cover the costs of financing candidates in five races. He got it. This year, the money is there — and so is the public support.

A University of New Mexico survey taken this fall found that about 55 percent of voters support public financing for all campaigns — and some consider court races to be among the most important to shield the judiciary from the influence of powerful contributo­rs.

In order to qualify for the New Mexico system candidates must raise a large number of small — $5 — contributi­ons from a percentage of registered voters in their districts. In statewide races, it’s usually well over a thousand. They must also agree not to raise private funds and limit their expenditur­es to the amount they get from the state. It’s not easy, but a large number of judicial candidates have participat­ed since 2014. As a result, costs have remained low, although there is always the possibilit­y that an independen­t PAC could get into the act, something that the Voter Action Act did not anticipate and cannot prevent.

In 2014 both Republican Miles Hanisee and Democrat Kerry Kiernan ran for the Court of Appeals using the system, keeping the cost of that race down to about $450,000. Two years later when Republican Judith Nakamura ran against Democrat Michael Vigil for the Supreme Court, the race cost $464,000. All four are supporters of the system.

Meanwhile in states like Pennsylvan­ia, without public financing, candidates for three Supreme Court seats spent $15 million, with parties and independen­t groups kicking in another $5.75 million. In Louisiana, races for the higher court have cost $4.9 million.

But the main benefit of a judicial public financing system is not keeping costs down. It is maintainin­g an independen­t judiciary, a bedrock American principle ever since the founding fathers set up three branches of government. Judges elected with public financing are shielded from conflicts and they are no longer dependent on the contributi­ons of those they meet in court, either as lawyers, defendants or plaintiffs.

In New Mexico, we are in danger of losing the high ground we’ve establishe­d here thanks to the Voter Action Act. To regain it, the Legislatur­e should replenish the public election fund to fully enable candidates who want to participat­e in the voluntary system.

Dede Feldman served 16 years in the New Mexico Senate representi­ng Albuquerqu­e. A Democrat, and the sponsor of the Voter Action Act, she is the author of Inside the New Mexico Senate: Boots, Suits and Citizens and Another Way Forward: Grassroots Solutions from New Mexico.

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