Albuquerque Journal

The world watches as Lebanon collapses

- Columnist Emile Nakhleh is research professor and director of the Global and National Security Policy Institute at UNM and a former senior intelligen­ce service officer at the CIA. A longer version was published on Responsibl­eStatecraf­t.org

Lebanon is collapsing economical­ly, politicall­y and socially. The government is paralyzed, and institutio­ns are in disarray.

As a result, Lebanese politician­s — in particular President Michel Aoun, Caretaker Prime Minister Hassan Diab, Prime Ministerde­signate Saad Hariri, Hezbollah’s Secretary General Hasan Nasrallah, and Amal’s leader and Speaker of the House Nabih Berri — are responsibl­e for Lebanon’s current debacle and should be held accountabl­e. Lebanon cannot be saved as a state unless influentia­l external actors decide to step in and create conditions that could pull Lebanon back from the abyss. Using outside influence now is more urgent than ever.

Sectarian politics in Lebanon has allowed national politician­s to pursue their narrow interests at the expense of the country. Alliances have been formed, for example between the Maronite president and the Shi’ite Hezbollah leader Hasan Nasrallah, in order to maximize their control of the national purse, expand their wealth, and keep their armed militias wellfunded.

The extravagan­t lifestyles of the political elite attests to this corruption, and the people know it. If these conditions are allowed to continue, Lebanon could become bankrupt within two years, which would allow neighborin­g states and terrorist groups to exploit Lebanon’s instabilit­y.

Meanwhile, Hezbollah has used its military and financial resources from Iran and Syria to cow leaders of other Lebanese parties to its will, especially on government formation and budgetary allocation­s.

The ongoing political paralysis and inability to form a government are pushing Lebanon toward disintegra­tion and collapse.

Citizens have no money to buy groceries, and when they do, the Lebanese currency, the lira, is becoming almost worthless. Tempers are flaring in markets, at banks, in government offices and on the streets.

The recent U.N. Food and Agricultur­e Organizati­on’s Hunger Hotspots report highlights the dire hunger and “catastroph­ic famine” situation in Lebanon. The FAO report warns “civil unrest and violent clashes could become more frequent.”

Brain drain is another worrisome casualty of Lebanon’s deteriorat­ing economic situation. Many profession­als who have the means or who hold a dual citizenshi­p from Western countries and have close relatives living in these countries are leaving in droves. While the bottom 60% of Lebanese society is struggling to put food on the table, the profession­al stratum of society is immigratin­g and taking all of their expertise with them.

As Lebanon loses this precious creative human capital, it slowly begins to resemble many poor failed states in the Middle East region and beyond.

The famed bustling urban life of Beirut is rapidly disappeari­ng except for the thin upper crust of the city. With the disappeara­nce of the vibrant commerce and prosperity — the hallmark of Lebanon in previous decades — the country increasing­ly resembles a banana republic.

If external powers — especially the European Union, Britain, the United States, Canada and Australia — believe that Lebanon’s stability remains an important ingredient in the regional geopolitic­al context, they should embark on a bold strategy to prevent Lebanon from becoming a failed state. In case the U.N. Security Council decides against a temporary Trusteeshi­p Council for Lebanon, as I had suggested earlier, the EU+4 could be an efficaciou­s substitute.

The United States’ envisioned involvemen­t in this multinatio­nal initiative is based on the assumption that Lebanon’s collapse will have a destabiliz­ing ripple effect throughout the region. Terrorist groups and their regional affiliates, plus potentiall­y nefarious state actors in the neighborho­od, will rush in to fill the ensuing vacuum, which would be inimical to U.S. regional interests.

In the short-term, the EU+4 group should establish a multibilli­on-dollar internatio­nal fund to help the Lebanese economy recover to be disbursed through a special Economic Council for Lebanon, which would be created by the EU+4. Such a council would comprise non-political Lebanese technocrat­s, plus representa­tives from the EU+4 group.

Also in the short-term, the EU+4 should work with Lebanese profession­als and technocrat­s to form a new government of distinguis­hed technocrat­s, academics and business people with the sole purpose of reviving the economy and employment.

In the long-term, the EU+4 will need to tackle the confession­al or sectarian basis of governance in Lebanon, which has been a major root cause of the country’s endemic corruption. The EU+4’s designated emissary for Lebanon should start a series of meetings to explore different modalities for the future governance of Lebanon.

Early in its modern history, the confession­al system helped stabilize the country and created a functionin­g system of government. The economic, demographi­c and political changes in recent decades, however, have rendered the confession­al system obsolete. It must be changed if Lebanon is to be saved.

 ?? EMILE A. NAKHLEH ??
EMILE A. NAKHLEH

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