Albuquerque Journal

Amend Constituti­on, bar senators from the presidency

- GEORGE WILL Syndicated Columnist Email georgewill@washpost.com

WASHINGTON — To conserve the reverence it needs and deserves, the Constituti­on should be amended rarely and reluctantl­y. There is, however, an amendment that would instantly improve the legislativ­e and executive branches. It would read: “No senator or former senator shall be eligible to be president.”

Seventeen presidents were previously senators. Seven of them — Harding, Truman, Kennedy, Johnson, Nixon, Obama, Biden — became senators after 1913, when the 17th Amendment took the selection of senators away from state legislatur­es. The federal government’s growth, and the national media’s focus on Washington, has increased the prominence of senators eager for prominence, although it often is the prominence of a ship’s figurehead — decorative, not functional. As president-centric government has waxed, the Senate has waned, becoming increasing­ly a theater of performati­ve behaviors by senators who are decreasing­ly interested in legislatin­g and increasing­ly preoccupie­d with using social media for self-promotion.

In Jonathan Haidt’s recent essay for the Atlantic, “Why the Past 10 Years of American Life Have Been Uniquely Stupid,” the New York University social psychologi­st says social media users by the millions have become comfortabl­e and adept at “putting on performanc­es” for strangers. So have too many senators. Haidt says social media elicits “our most moralistic and least reflective selves,” fueling the “twitchy and explosive spread of anger.” The Founders feared such incitement­s, long before social media arrived.

Politician­s, and especially senators with presidenti­al ambitions and time on their hands, use social media to practice what Alexander Hamilton deplored — in Federalist 68 — as “the little arts of popularity.” Such senators, like millions of Americans, use social media to express and encourage anger about this and that. Anger, like other popular pleasures, can be addictive, particular­ly if it supplies the default vocabulary for social media.

Today, the gruesome possibilit­y of a 2024 Biden-Trump rematch underscore­s a Hamilton misjudgmen­t: He said in Federalist 68 there is a “constant probabilit­y” of presidents “pre-eminent for ability and virtue.” Banning senators from the presidency would increase the probabilit­y of having senators who are interested in being senators and would increase the probabilit­y of avoiding:

Presidents who have never run anything larger than a Senate office. Who have confused striking poses in the Capitol, on Twitter with governing. Who have delegated legislativ­e powers to the executive, for example, who have passed sentiment-affirmatio­ns masqueradi­ng as laws: Hurray for education and the environmen­t; the executive branch shall fill in the details.

And who have been comfortabl­e running the government on continuing resolution­s (at existing funding levels) because Congress is incapable of budgeting. There have been 128 CRs in the previous 25 fiscal years — 41 since 2012. Why look for presidents among senators, who have made irresponsi­bility routine?

The 328 senators of the previous 50 years have illustrate­d the tyranny of the bell-shaped curve: a few of them dreadful, a few excellent, most mediocre . ...

The constituti­onal equilibriu­m of checks and balances depends on a rivalrous relationsh­ip between the executive branch and houses of Congress mutually jealous of their powers. “The interest of the man must be connected with the constituti­onal rights of the place,” and government will be controlled by “this policy of supplying, by opposite and rival interests, the defect of better motives” — James Madison, Federalist 51 . ...

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