Albuquerque Journal

Will federal courts allow states to ban the abortion pill?

- BY NOAH FELDMAN BLOOMBERG OPINION (TNS)

Even before the Supreme Court reversed Roe v. Wade, the legal battle about the aftermath of the decision was underway. By far the most consequent­ial aspect of the fight is likely to be about state attempts to regulate medical abortions using the drug mifepristo­ne.

For pro-choice advocates, mifepristo­ne represents the only cost-effective workaround for women who want to end unwanted pregnancie­s but who live in the 25 or more states that will ban abortion with Roe overturned. Some people have the means to travel out of state for surgical abortions. And, with enough financial support, some national organizati­ons might be able to help pay the way for those who cannot afford the trip and the surgery.

Some states are going to try to bar travel for abortion purposes, but such bans are likely to be held unconstitu­tional even by the current court.

In contrast, if it were possible to speak to an out-of-state doctor online and get pills in the mail that would end a pregnancy, then many women would still be able to choose whether to carry their fetuses to term, regardless of state law. During the COVID pandemic, the Food and Drug Administra­tion eliminated its requiremen­t for an office visit to dispense mifepristo­ne. The Biden administra­tion has announced plans to make that rule change permanent.

Thus, if mifepristo­ne were widely available, the reversal of Roe might not be so disastrous for many women. The effects could be mitigated, maybe even substantia­lly so.

Conversely, for the pro-life camp, widespread distributi­on of mifepristo­ne by telemedici­ne could render their long-sought Supreme Court victory more symbolic than effective. To be sure, some people who say they are pro-life might secretly prefer for the reversal of Roe to leave the realworld option of abortion open for them and their loved ones. But for the official movement, and for those who genuinely believe abortion is murder, it would be perceived as a tragedy if abortion numbers did not go down toward zero in the states that outlawed it.

To understand the legal side of the fight that is emerging, you need to start with the weirdness of the legal regime governing medicine in the U.S. — a weirdness derived from the federal structure of the Constituti­on. On the one hand, licensing doctors is mostly a matter of state law. On the other hand, Congress has given the FDA, a federal agency, the authority to approve the use of medication­s.

The constituti­onal justificat­ion for this federal authority is that drugs affect interstate commerce. Congress has broad authority to make laws in that realm.

And ordinarily, when Congress has occupied an area of law within its authority, states can’t pass laws that contradict federal law. The Constituti­on says that the Constituti­on itself and the laws the U.S. enacts under it are the supreme law of the land.

On top of this split structure, factor in state criminal law. States are entitled to make criminal laws governing conduct that takes place within their states. That jurisdicti­on can cross state lines under some circumstan­ces. If I live in Massachuse­tts and hire someone to commit a crime in New York, I can be charged in New York state court even though I never left home.

Same for drugs. If a state outlaws marijuana, it can say that no one from the outside may send the drug to somebody inside the state, even from a state where pot is legal. So states that are going to outlaw abortion are also now starting to enact laws that will ban sending mifepristo­ne into their states.

When it comes to telemedici­ne, states ordinarily can make laws affecting the care of their own citizens. But there is a credible legal argument that states should not be able to ban mifepristo­ne because it is a drug approved by the FDA — a federal agency. According to this argument, Congress and the FDA have occupied the field of drug regulation, thus preempting states from legislatin­g in a way that bars a drug approved by the federal government.

So can mifepristo­ne restrictio­ns imposed on outside doctors be characteri­zed as a permissibl­e state regulation of medical practice within that state’s authority? Or are such laws an impermissi­ble state interferen­ce with federal drug regulation­s? The courts, and eventually the Supreme Court, will have to address the issue.

Even if the justices side with the states, the problem — or, depending on what side you’re on, the solution — will not go away. It’s conceivabl­e that some organizati­ons, say those outside the U.S., may be willing to send mifepristo­ne through the mail in violation of state laws. An illegal mifepristo­ne trade is likely to emerge. It will give rise to litigation.

Ideally, and legally, no one should be taking any kind of medication without a prescripti­on. But if abortion is outlawed, medical abortion will be, de facto, the only option for women who do not want to continue with their pregnancie­s but who are unable to travel out of state. Expect to hear much, much more about it in the months and years to come.

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