Arkansas Democrat-Gazette

For accountabi­lity

Agency must be reined in

- FRENCH HILL SPECIAL TO THE DEMOCRAT-GAZETTE U.S. Rep. French Hill represents Arkansas’ 2nd District.

Washington, D.C.’s idea of government may have changed, but the American people’s has not. This is a significan­t observatio­n I have made since returning to Washington after living and working for 25 years in central Arkansas.

In Washington, accountabi­lity has gone from a focal point of governance to a relative afterthoug­ht.

The rest of America doesn’t approve of Washington’s dismissal of accountabi­lity. When I’m home in Arkansas, I haven’t met very many people—if any—who have told me they don’t agree with the idea that our government needs to be accountabl­e to the people; likewise, I haven’t met many people who said they disapprove of our constituti­onal system of checks and balances.

Yet inside “the Beltway” of our federal government, there is this inexplicab­le movement to enshrine anti-accountabi­lity policies and agencies into law. When I was a young Senate staffer in the 1980s, accountabi­lity was a fully and wholly bipartisan endeavor. In 2017, now even accountabi­lity can have a partisan taste to it, or at least that is what the battle over the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB) has shown.

The CFPB has become arguably the least accountabl­e government agency.

The director can be fired only for “inefficien­cy, neglect of duty, or malfeasanc­e,” and because the CFPB is an independen­t agency located within the Fed—which also amazingly has no authority over the agency—and is not subject to the appropriat­ions process, neither the administra­tion nor Congress has a say over the CFPB’s actions.

Last September, a federal appeals court ruled CFPB’s organizati­onal structure unconstitu­tional and said that its unelected director “enjoys more unilateral authority than any other officer in any of the three branches of government of the U.S. government, other than the president.”

Consumer protection is of the utmost importance, and prior to the creation of the CFPB, the government at both the state and local level had extensive consumer-protection laws and regulation­s in place and agencies fully tasked with their enforcemen­t. And never in my long community banking career did I see a financial regulator shirk their consumer protection responsibi­lity.

The massive amounts of raw consumer data the CFPB collects, its foray into areas it was specifical­ly prohibited from regulating including auto lending and the practice of law, and the lavish renovation of its leased headquarte­rs—which is costing taxpayers over $200 million—only underscore the need for intensive accountabi­lity and transparen­cy.

But as the evolution of Washington has gone, none of that matters; only messaging matters. Defenders of CFPB essentiall­y argue that with an agency named for consumer financial protection, how could it be anything but a good steward of consumer needs and protection­s? We don’t apply that standard to any other agency in government; having a consumer-friendly name doesn’t absolve it from the necessity of standard congressio­nal oversight.

When you pull back the curtain on this perceived irreproach­able agency, you see something much uglier than its name might suggest.

But the worst part about the CFPB is that the agency’s practices are actually harming consumers. By limiting, eliminatin­g, or increasing costs on products that financial institutio­ns can offer, the CFPB’s practices are growing the ranks of unbanked and underbanke­d Americans. The Dodd-Frank Act and CFPB policies have increased the price of basic banking services and reduced the availabili­ty of shortterm credit options for low-income Americans, continuing to push them into more expensive—and potentiall­y unregulate­d—credit options. To illustrate this, before Dodd Frank, 75 percent of consumers could find “free checking.” By 2015, just 37 percent of banks offer true “free checking.”

CFPB’s “Ability to Repay” and “Qualified Mortgage” rules also have made it more difficult for low- and middle-income borrowers to qualify for a mortgage, with some community banks exiting residentia­l lending altogether due to the complexity and burdens of the rules. The “Know Before You Owe” rule, despite its name, has continued to cause consumer confusion and costly delays in the closing process, not to mention the billions of dollars the real estate industry spends in implementi­ng the rule—resources that could have been extended as credit or directed toward product innovation.

Under the leadership of Chairman Jeb Hensarling, the House Financial Services Committee has proposed the Financial CHOICE Act, which will help increase consumer choice and access to affordable credit and capital for all Americans.

One of the main pillars of the CHOICE Act is to bring accountabi­lity back to Washington regulators, including the CFPB. The CHOICE Act will provide structural reforms to the CFPB, including making it subject to appropriat­ions and requiring comprehens­ive cost-benefit analysis for rule-makings.

By creating checks and balances for CFPB, the CHOICE Act will make it more accountabl­e to Congress and the American people so that it can effectivel­y do the job it was designed to do—protect consumers.

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