Arkansas Democrat-Gazette

Several pasts

- VLADIMIR KARA-MURZA Vladimir Kara-Murza is a Russian historian, filmmaker, and democracy activist.

November is heavy on historical dates. As world leaders gathered in Paris recently to mark 100 years since the end of the First World War, Russians were rememberin­g the 101st anniversar­y of the Bolshevik coup d’état that some still refer to as the “great October socialist revolution.”

Two rival commemorat­ions were held Nov. 7 in Moscow. While the Communists rallied on Revolution Square, steps away from the Kremlin, brandishin­g red flags and the portraits of Lenin and Stalin, activists of the liberal Yabloko party brought flowers and a makeshift commemorat­ive sign to the former Alexander Military Academy that served as the headquarte­rs of the anti-Bolshevik resistance during the fighting in October and November 1917.

Two thousand miles east in Russia’s third-largest city of Novosibirs­k, the past has also been playing out in political battles. Local Communists are pushing the municipal government to install a bust of Stalin on one of the city’s main streets. The mayor—a Communist—is sympatheti­c.

“The very idea of a monument to Stalin is an insult to the memory of the victims of organized terror,” said Alexander Rudnitsky, the head of the Novosibirs­k branch of Memorial, an organizati­on that works to commemorat­e the victims of Soviet repression. Thousands of Novosibirs­k residents have signed a petition opposing the initiative. Supporters of the dictator are vowing to press on.

The memory of Soviet repression is an uncomforta­ble subject for a regime that prides itself on its KGB origins. The Russian government has officially branded Memorial a “foreign agent”—an insult to the memory of the victims of Communist terror, so many of whom were sent to their deaths on this very charge. Last month, the Moscow government attempted to ban the traditiona­l vigil for the victims of Stalin’s Great Terror held every year near the memorial stone brought from the Solovki concentrat­ion camp and placed near the KGB headquarte­rs. Realizing that people will come anyway, City Hall finally issued the permit.

Nov. 16 marked the 98th anniversar­y of the evacuation of General Pyotr Wrangel’s army from Crimea, the last major defeat of the White forces that all but secured Communist victory in the civil war. For most of 1920, a small White Russian state on the Crimean Peninsula held its ground against the Bolsheviks. The government of South Russia, headed by Prime Minister Alexander Krivoshein and with the prominent liberal statesman and philosophe­r Pyotr Struve as foreign minister, took steps to implement agrarian, administra­tive and labor reforms. In August, France officially recognized it as the legitimate government of Russia.

For a while it seemed that an alternativ­e Russia might emerge—a small but determined foothold against the Soviets. It was not to be. That summer Britain withdrew its support from Wrangel, opening trade negotiatio­ns with the Bolsheviks and ordering its military mission and the Royal Navy out of Crimea. Having concluded a ceasefire with Poland, the Red Army moved south to eliminate the last opposition stronghold.

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