Arkansas Democrat-Gazette

GOP’s war on democracy

- By Paul Waldman Paul Waldman writes for The Washington Post.

Adecade and a half ago, Republican­s took a particular rhetorical style, one characteri­zed by apocalypti­c prediction­s and wild exaggerati­ons of the supposed villainy of their opponents, and moved it from the fringe into the center of their party.

Then something surprising happened: They came to believe it. And now they’re acting on it.

Let’s begin in Wisconsin, a vivid example of Republican­s’ ability to all but eliminate electoral competitio­n. After winning control of state government in the 2010 elections, the party gerrymande­red district maps so brutally that their majorities were guaranteed even when Democrats got many more votes. In 2018, for instance, Democrats won 53% of votes for the state assembly but held only 36% of the seats.

But you can’t gerrymande­r a statewide election, so what do you do? As the New York Times reports, Republican­s livid that the state’s voters chose Joe Biden in 2020 “are engaged in an allout assault on the state’s election system.”

They are aiming their fire at the bipartisan election commission they themselves created five years ago; prominent Republican­s are proposing that the commission’s members be arrested and charged with felonies, and Sen. Ron Johnson has proposed that the Republican state legislatur­e simply take control of elections in the state.

The result could be a system in which elections in Wisconsin are about as fair as those in Vladimir Putin’s Russia. People will still cast ballots, but the result will be predetermi­ned.

Why would they drop even the pretense of believing in fair elections administer­ed by nonpartisa­n officials? For a clue, let’s visit the recent National Conservati­sm Conference. As David Brooks describes it, every unhinged speech from a small-time activist was echoed by ambitious Republican politician­s like Sens. Josh Hawley of Missouri, Ted Cruz of Texas and Marco Rubio of Florida:

Hawley, Cruz and Rubio aren’t saying the left is trying to build a future for America that conservati­ves will find alienating or that will embody values they dislike.

They’re saying that liberals want to literally destroy the country.

If you give it even a moment’s thought, it’s utterly deranged — is Nancy Pelosi planning to rule over gangs of violent thugs rampaging over a post-apocalypti­c landscape like Tina Turner in “Mad Max Beyond Thunderdom­e” after the destructio­n of America is complete? The senators aren’t that stupid. But by all available evidence, much of the right actually believes it.

If that’s what you sincerely believe, then creating autocratic one-party states seems like a perfectly sensible response — much like staging a violent insurrecti­on seems reasonable if you think the presidenti­al election was actually stolen. If Democrats winning an election is the prelude to the literal destructio­n of America, then no tactic is out of bounds in response.

You could blame this moral corruption on Donald Trump, but he was only an accelerant of trends that had already taken hold in his party. The real turning point was the election of Barack Obama in 2008.

No Democratic president in modern times was loathed by the right with quite the enthusiasm that Obama was (though Bill Clinton came close).

The extreme argument believed only by the right’s loons — that he was a terrorist plant sent here by some enemy of America — took over the entire party, at least in modified form.

While a mainstream GOP senator might grudgingly admit Obama was a citizen, they would still insist he had a secret plan to destroy the country.

They continued to say this even after Obama had been president for eight years, pursuing standard center-left Democratic policies, and America was not destroyed.

Once Obama left office, the allegation of a secret plan to destroy the country was easily transferre­d onto the entire Democratic Party and liberal movement: Now every Democrat, as far as Republican­s are concerned, is part of the plot to bring about America’s ruin.

And the barrier between the fringe and the rest of the GOP is barely perceptibl­e. One poll in 2020 found that fully half of Trump supporters believed that “top Democrats are involved in elite child sex-traffickin­g rings.” Are we supposed to allow that kind of demonic villain to take power simply because they got more votes?

Hold on, you might say: Aren’t Democrats guilty of these kinds of apocalypti­c beliefs too? Didn’t they talk about a Trump victory as though it would be the end of civilizati­on as we know it?

At times, they did. But there are two things that distinguis­h them from Republican­s on this score.

First, Trump amply demonstrat­ed that he was, and continues to be, a genuine threat to the democratic character of the United States. He attempted to overthrow a fair election so he could stay in office; we were saved from the collapse of the American electoral system only by the incompeten­ce of his attempted coup. You cannot say those who warned of the threat he posed to democracy were exaggerati­ng.

Second, what did Democrats do in response to their fears about Trump? They did not abandon democratic procedures, or stage an insurrecti­on, or try to steal an election. They opposed him with normal political activity: marches, organizing, running for office, voting against him and his party.

But now that another Democrat is in the White House, Republican­s are acting as though democracy is itself a tool of America’s destructio­n. And if they have to dismantle it in order to get what they want, so be it.

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