Arkansas Democrat-Gazette

ACLU backs this cross flag

- By David Cole David Cole is national legal director of the American Civil Liberties Union, which filed an amicus brief in support of Camp Constituti­on in Shurtleff v. Boston.

The ACLU has long fought to enforce the separation of church and state. We were the plaintiff in both Allegheny County v. ACLU and McCreary County v. ACLU, in which the Supreme Court held that the Constituti­on’s establishm­ent clause barred the displays of a creche and the Ten Commandmen­ts in county courthouse­s. So why are we supporting a Christian organizati­on’s argument in the Supreme Court case Shurtleff v. Boston that it has a right to display a flag bearing the Latin cross in front of Boston’s City Hall? The short answer: The First Amendment requires it.

For more than a decade, Boston has made one of the flagpoles in front of City Hall available to the public for temporary displays, essentiall­y on a first-come, first-served basis. It has flown political flags, national flags and the flags of private civic organizati­ons — including the Chinese Progressiv­e Associatio­n, the National Juneteenth Observance Foundation, Bunker Hill Associatio­n and Boston Pride. The city’s website and applicatio­n materials refer to the flagpole as a “public forum,” and invite members of the public to apply to fly their flags there temporaril­y — usually for just a few hours on a given day. Over a 12-year period, the city displayed 284 such flags, and never denied a single request. In most instances, it did not even ask to see the flags before approving their display.

Until Camp Constituti­on came along. A conservati­ve Christian organizati­on that celebrates the United States’ “Judeo-Christian” heritage, questions covid-19 vaccinatio­ns and criticizes the theory of evolution, the group applied to fly its flag, bearing the Latin cross — the simplest, most common representa­tion of the Christian symbol — for one hour on a day when its members planned to hold an event in Boston. The city refused, not because it disapprove­d of the camp’s views, but because the flag was religious. The city was concerned that flying such a flag would contravene the First Amendment’s establishm­ent clause.

We take the establishm­ent clause, which requires separation of church and state, very seriously. We’ve opposed opening city council meetings with religious prayers, promoting religion in public schools, and many official displays of religious symbols. But in the Boston case, another part of the First Amendment — the free speech clause — controls.

Religious expression cannot be completely excluded from public property. If that were the case, the government could ban Jehovah’s Witnesses from handing out religious tracts on public sidewalks. And free speech principles prohibit the government from discrimina­ting against speakers because of their messages — including religious messages.

The central issue is whether the religious expression is properly attributed to the government or to private speakers. Where the government itself is “speaking,” the establishm­ent clause generally prohibits religious messages, and the free speech clause generally does not apply. But where private speech is involved, establishm­ent clause concerns are diminished, and the free speech clause requires the government to treat all speakers equally.

We argue that no reasonable observer would understand flying Camp Constituti­on’s flag — for just one hour on a single day — to be the government’s speech. Like the 284 flags flown before it, this group’s flag would be seen as just that — the group’s flag. And as such, the city can’t turn it down because the flag is religious.

The U.S. Court of Appeals for the 1st Circuit nonetheles­s ruled for the city last January, concluding that the flag displays did amount to government speech — so the city could choose which flags to display as its own speech, without regard to the rights of the private flagholder­s. On this theory, the city could also have refused to display the Boston Pride flag, or any other.

But that is a dangerous expansion of the “government speech” doctrine. It would give cities an easy way out of the long-standing First Amendment obligation to treat all private speakers equally in public forums — by simply re-characteri­zing private speech on government property as the government’s speech.

We have no doubt that the city acted with the best intentions. And if Camp Constituti­on had sought to fly its flag for a month, or if the flags displayed in front of Boston City Hall were predominan­tly religious, the establishm­ent clause would be violated. But treating Camp Constituti­on’s request the same as all other flag displays is required by the free speech clause, and does not transgress the establishm­ent clause.

When the Supreme Court hears argument on Jan. 18, it should recognize that, having chosen for more than a decade to allow everyone else to display their private flags, Boston can’t turn away Camp Constituti­on merely because its flag is religious.

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