Arkansas Democrat-Gazette

One dream, two sides

- THEODORE R. JOHNSON

In 1895, in Atlanta, the Cotton States and Internatio­nal Exposition put a spotlight on the New South to showcase an American future. People from all over attended this world’s fair, where the latest innovation­s in textiles and agricultur­e were on exhibit, along with electrical appliances, imported whiskies and more.

Societal improvemen­ts were on display, too. An editorial in Scientific American declared the event would be “the day of reconcilia­tion between the whites and the negroes.”

But the New South was up to its old tricks. States were sidesteppi­ng the post-Civil War constituti­onal amendments mandating equal justice and barring racial discrimina­tion in voting.

So, at the opening ceremony, esteemed educator Booker T. Washington laid out his vision for how Black people could resist the backslidin­g, telling the rapt audience, “No race that has anything to contribute to the markets of the world is long in any degree ostracized.” Honest work and economic self-sufficienc­y were the way forward; social equality would wait. This was the Atlanta Compromise.

Renowned sociologis­t and author W.E.B. Du Bois had other ideas, believing that political action and enforcemen­t of civil rights protection­s would make the South and the nation anew. He suggested this work be led by a “Talented Tenth,” a select few college-educated men who would embody “the ideals of the community,” directing “its thoughts and head[ing] its social movements.” Equality would not wait. The exceptiona­l Black men would see to that.

The Washington-Du Bois debate captures the essence of a nation in way that is particular­ly American and particular­ly Black. It is a shared history. Washington chastised Du Bois’s approach as elitist, scoffing that it’s better to “earn a dollar in a factory” than “spend a dollar in an opera-house.” Du Bois responded that a people not educated in the systems of democracy and justice would never get much out of either, no matter how much they sweat. How can Black people best find the America that others enjoy? It was a question to the people as much as to a country.

And not just a question. This debate offers a peek into the nation’s tendencies, at its nature and character.

A core tension exists in the United States between an economic prosperity in which everyone is paid their fair share and a democracy where everyone has a voice.

We are a people who can’t agree on which is more important. Or where we should put more energy. Or who’s allowed to participat­e and how. There’s always compromise, sometimes it’s the only way. But someone must tell the others that they don’t get to benefit this time, that they don’t get democracy just yet.

The Atlanta expo offered a snapshot of a New South where economic growth might make space for everyone, even for the people democracy excluded. Prosperity, the editorial declared, means that “political, economic and racial problems have been solved.” But this was fool’s gold to Du Bois.

Better that the Talented Tenth venture out from the Black community as collegiate emissaries, advocating in the halls of power and returning with knowledge and rights. A people so equipped could succeed in any market they choose. They’ll just need to make a living until the heroes come home, if they return at all.

This was more than an intellectu­al exercise. Exploitive sharecropp­ing arrangemen­ts made Black prosperity impossibly difficult at the time, even in a thriving economy.

Poll taxes and literacy tests pried away the vote earned in the Civil War and more than 1 million American casualties. Violence, and the threat of it, were ever-present. Some of the Talented Tenth ventured off and were lynched. Some of Washington’s earnest laborers were, too.

So the New South modeled at the expo failed to materializ­e. The Old South refused to die, finding redemption instead. Over the next 70 years, transforma­tional legislatio­n, executive action and judicial rulings arrived.

The history of those decades suggests that a people denied their equal rights will not give up until they have them. And if Black history has taught the United States nothing else, it’s that equality gets tired of waiting.

The civil rights movement brought the long-overdue national correction, a prized win belonging in equal measure to Washington’s workers and Du Bois’s Tenth’ers. A win for the country as much as for the people.

The men never reconciled their views, but the goal of making the United States truer to its ideals was always shared. Washington spent his later years maneuverin­g with the political elite to direct resources to the Black South.

Du Bois abandoned the Talented Tenth idea, coming to believe that democratic equality was nearly impossible because the nation’s economic practices often leave the worker behind, especially a Black one. Atlanta today proves the value of their disparate approaches, as well as the insufficie­ncy of each.

It has become a place where it’s nothing to see Black people earn with their hands in the day and enjoy the theater by night.

The same is true elsewhere, in the South and in the United States. But they still must work harder for prosperity, and fight more for inclusion.

Washington finished his exposition speech with optimism that America could address its race problem and make justice accessible to all. “This, coupled with our material prosperity,” he vowed, “will bring into our beloved South a new heaven and a new earth.” It’s a dream particular­ly American, and particular­ly Black. And unavailabl­e for compromise.

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