Austin American-Statesman

Mostly False:

GOP’S claim misleads, but they didn’t notice a sizable D.C. donation.

- Byw.gardnersel­by

Politi Fact checks Republican Party of Texas’ statement that “Wendy Davis has already taken more $ from teacher unions than the past 3 Democrat gubernator­ial candidates combined.”

Teacher groups often back Democrats for office; it shouldn’t be a surprise Wendy Davis has such support.

Still, a reader asked us to check a recent tweet from @ WendyDavis­Truth, a Twitter account run by the Republican Party of Texas.

The tweet said, “Wendy Davis has already taken more $ from teacher unions than the past 3 Democrat gubernator­ial candidates combined.”

Statement: “Wendy Davis has already taken more $ from teacher unions than the past 3 Democrat gubernator­ial candidates combined.”

The tweet came with a bar chart comparing contributi­ons by three teacher groups — the Texas State Teachers Associatio­n, Texas chapter of the American Federation of Teachers and the political arm of the Texas Classroom Teachers Associatio­n.

The bar labeled “2014 Wendy Davis” far exceeded comparable bars for Tony Sanchez’s 2002 gubernator­ial run, Chris Bell’s 2006 campaign and Bill White’s 2010 campaign.

By the group’s math, Davis has drawn $102,777 from the three teacher groups, while the previous three Democratic nominees for governor combined to attract $102,700.

Republican Party of Texas administra­tor Beth Cubriel told us by email the figures were based on contributi­on and expenditur­e reports filed at the Texas Ethics Commission. She added that the figures reflect all contributi­ons by the teacher groups to the candidates — not just contributi­ons made while each one was running for governor.

But labels on the chart — “2006 Bell” and “2014 Wendy Davis,” for example — left us with a different impression. One might not expect that

PolitiFact

previous campaigns for other offices would be included in those contributi­on totals.

We looked next at how much each candidate drew from the singled-out groups while running for governor.

By our calculatio­ns, Davis got about $67,000 of her contributi­ons from the groups for her two Senate campaigns, with about $36,000 coming in since she declared for governor last October.

Likewise, Bell in 2006 drew no donations from the groups during his run for governor; his nearly $40,000 came during his 2008 campaign for Texas Senate. By contrast, the teacher contributi­ons to Sanchez in 2002 and White in 2010 were for gubernator­ial campaigns.

By email, Cubriel said our breakdown succinctly covers “what didn’t fit into the four corners” of the party’s chart. The party “never claimed the money was given to her gov(ernor) campaign directly,” she said. “The years on the chart are to serve as a reminder of when each candidate was the nominee.”

We told Cubriel that our review of campaign-finance reports turned up a sizable contributi­on not included in the party’s critique — $125,000 to Davis’ gubernator­ial kitty on Jan. 15 from the Washington, D.C.-based American Federation of Teachers Committee on Political Education.

“That makes the case against her even worse,” she said.

Our ruling

The Texas party said Davis has already taken more money from “teacher unions,” meaning three teacher groups, than the previous three Democratic gubernator­ial candidates combined and presented a chart purporting to show that.

The tweet and chart turned out to mislead. Most of the cited teacher groups’ giving to Davis came during her campaigns for state Senate, not her run for governor.

Regardless, the claim has an element of truth. With career fund-raising factored in, Davis has topped the three previous Democratic gubernator­ial nominees in support from the groups. Moreover, the party didn’t mention a 2014 donation of $125,000 to Davis’ campaign from a major teacher group.

We rate this claim as Mostly False.

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