Baltimore Sun

Mexico takes aim at police corruption

Officials replace local cops with soldiers in Acapulco, elsewhere

- By Kate Linthicum

MEXICO CITY — Seeking to curb rampant gang violence and police corruption in the seaside city of Acapulco, Mexican authoritie­s are taking a gamble: replacing local cops with state police and the military.

Federal officials say it is a last-ditch effort to bring peace to Acapulco, once a glamorous resort favored by Hollywood celebritie­s that has become one of the most murderous cities on Earth.

The local police force appears to have been infiltrate­d by organized crime, authoritie­s said.

The strategy of sending in soldiers and state and federal police to do the work of neighborho­od cops has been employed in other parts of the country, with mixed results. Critics say the plan is treating a symptom instead of the underlying disease — ineffectiv­e and corrupt policing — and that it is unlikely to reduce crime and could lead to human rights abuses.

Mexico’s local police forces are famously undertrain­ed and badly compensate­d, with some officers paid as little as $300 a month and required to buy their own uniforms and even bullets. That makes them susceptibl­e to gangs, who offer money in return for loyalty — and threaten violence if they disobey.

Police collusion with criminals has ranged from officers looking the other way when a crime has been committed to detaining people and turning them over to gangs.

Mexico, with substantia­l support from the United States, has made efforts to profession­alize local police forces in recent years, with a focus on improving training and vetting procedures for new recruits. Officials disarmed local police in Acapulco, replacing them with soldiers, but questions remain whether it will work. Soldiers recently took policing control in Acapulco because of possible links to organized crime in the local ranks.

But experts say those changes will have little effect without more mechanisms for accountabi­lity. That could include the formation of civilian oversight commission­s, which are common in many American cities, and the strengthen­ing of internal affairs units.

Firing corrupt officers and replacing them with new cadets is not enough, Mexican security analyst Alejandro Hope said.

“You need much broader change,” he said. “You need a mechanism to ensure the police remain clean.”

Other Mexican cities and towns have seen their local police agencies disarmed in recent years, but Acapulco is the biggest city yet to embark on the experiment.

The city, whose decline began a decade ago, had 941 homicides last year, or 107 for every 100,000 inhabitant­s. That is more than 15 times the homicide rate in Los Angeles.

More than a dozen criminal groups are battling for access to drug traffickin­g plazas, street-level drug sales and dominance of extortion rackets, according to officials.

This week’s move was provoked by the “the nonexisten­t response of the municipal police to confront the crime wave,” the task force overseeing the disarmamen­t of Acapulco police said in a statement Tuesday.

The task force, known as the Guerrero Coordinati­on Group, said all members of the police force have been required to turn in their bulletproo­f vests, radios and weapons. Two police commanders have been charged with homicide, and the rest of the force is being investigat­ed.

Mexican soldiers have been involved in carrying out public security functions since 2006, when then-President Felipe Calderon declared war on the country’s increasing­ly powerful drug cartels.

But in recent years, their role has grown in some parts of the country where local cops are seen as particular­ly corrupt, including in the states of Oaxaca, Jalisco, Colima and Nuevo Leon. In the state of Tamaulipas, which borders southeast Texas, nearly all local police forces have been disbanded and replaced by state and local police and soldiers.

In Guerrero, the violencepl­agued state where Acapulco is located, the same strategy has been employed in several towns.

Although surveys show Mexicans generally trust soldiers more than they trust local police officers, there also is mounting evidence that soldiers — trained in tactics of war against foreign armies — are not equipped to perform domestic police functions.

A U.S. State Department cable made public by WikiLeaks in 2010 found that the Mexican military’s presence in the troubled border city of Juarez had been ineffectiv­e.

“The military was not trained to patrol the streets or carry out law enforcemen­t operations,” the cable said. “It does not have the authority to collect and introduce evidence into the judicial system. The result: Arrests skyrockete­d, prosecutio­ns remained flat, and both the military and public have become increasing­ly frustrated.”

The armed forces also have faced repeated accusation­s of torture, illegal arrests and extrajudic­ial killings. Between January 2012 and August 2016, there were 5,541 complaints of human rights violations against the armed forces registered with the National Human Rights Commission.

Even some current and former soldiers recently have joined human rights groups in denouncing Mexico’s ever-increasing militariza­tion of civilian law enforcemen­t, a trend solidified last year by controvers­ial legislatio­n known as the Internal Security Law.

Hundreds of human rights groups pushed lawmakers to reject the law, which expands the powers of the armed forces to combat national security risks inside Mexico. The United Nations high commission­er for human rights warned that the measure would give too much power to the military without the necessary civilian checks and balances.

Many human rights officials say state and federal forces are not necessaril­y less corrupt than local law enforcemen­t. They point to the 2014 disappeara­nce of 43 students from a small town in Guerrero as proof.

Federal investigat­ors say local police kidnapped the students and turned them over to a drug gang, which subsequent­ly killed them and burned their bodies. But internatio­nal experts have disputed that account, calling for investigat­ions into the role of federal police and the military.

Federal prosecutor­s have failed to find any remains or secure conviction­s for those responsibl­e. The mass disappeara­nce occurred four years ago Wednesday.

 ?? ALAN SOLOMON/CHICAGO TRIBUNE 2016 ??
ALAN SOLOMON/CHICAGO TRIBUNE 2016
 ?? FRANCISCO ROBLES/GETTY-AFP ??
FRANCISCO ROBLES/GETTY-AFP

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