Baltimore Sun

Getting aerial surveillan­ce off the ground in Baltimore

- By Thiru Vignarajah Carpenter v. United States, Thiru Vignarajah, the former deputy attorney general of Maryland, was a federal and city prosecutor in Baltimore and served as law clerk to Justice Stephen Breyer. His email is thiru.vignarajah@dlapiper.com.

At a City Council hearing last week, advocates and opponents of aerial surveillan­ce presented a false choice between privacy and public safety. Truth is, with a little creativity and compromise, Baltimore can have both.

Aerial surveillan­ce consists of a Cessna prop plane flying in public airspace with a battery of cameras taking what amounts to wide angle, low-resolution video of a large swath of the city.

The company promoting this apparatus is wrong to expect the city to grant the Police Department — not exactly an institutio­n brimming with public trust these days — a blank check to surveil the city whenever and for whatever reason it wants. Instead, Baltimore should limit the use of aerial footage to the investigat­ion of serious crimes, require written judicial approval in those cases and provide for periodic community review.

Citizens are understand­ably skeptical after the train wreck that prompted this debate last time around. In 2016, the Police Department got caught running a “pilot” that no elected official was apparently told about in advance.

It did not matter that the funding came from philanthro­pists who have also supported the ACLU and abolishing cash bail, the same benefactor­s who funded a Johns Hopkins public health initiative to deliver eyeglasses to thousands of city schoolchil­dren. The cloak of secrecy and how the program was discovered were too much for Baltimore to stomach.

But, with a fourth consecutiv­e year of record violence, our city cannot afford to discard potentiall­y good ideas just because they were badly presented.

Aerial surveillan­ce could be a potent tool to solve violent crimes. Admittedly the raw footage alone is of modest value: it shows blurs of unrecogniz­able dots and rectangles, which happen to be people and cars, moving about the city. But investigat­ors can follow a blur tied to a crime to determine where the subject came from and went. And when that dot or box passes a street camera at a particular time, police have an opportunit­y to get a closer look.

The tandem of aerial footage that traces the path of “dots of interest” coupled with a sprawling network of higher-resolution, ground cameras could significan­tly improve clearance and conviction rates.

Similar to body cameras, this new investigat­ive tool could also make it easier to contest or verify the statements of law enforcemen­t and would give defense attorneys a clear method to exonerate the innocent.

At the same time, this “eye in the sky” raises serious and unpreceden­ted privacy concerns that must be addressed. Earlier this summer, in the Supreme Court ruled that police have to get a warrant if they want a significan­t interval of cell tower location data, even though a private company (the cellphone carrier) collected it. Part of the court’s rationale was that the Fourth Amendment protects against “searches” that yield informatio­n that is, like here, “detailed, encycloped­ic, and effortless­ly compiled.” Under the logic of this landmark decision, police use of aerial surveillan­ce footage could be declared unconstitu­tional without adequate safeguards.

But we do not have to wait for a court to strike down the warrantles­s use of aerial surveillan­ce; we can proactivel­y adopt measures to protect individual and community privacy and shield use of this new technology from a likely and legitimate legal attack. How might a limiting protocol work? First, the city would establish stringent rules permitting review and use of aerial surveillan­ce solely to help solve certain enumerated crimes starting with homicides. This is howMarylan­d’s wiretappin­g law works, allowing police to intercept phone calls only for certain kinds of investigat­ions.

Second, police would have to convince a judge to sign a warrant based on probable cause before they could get their hands on any surveillan­ce footage (except in the case of an ongoing emergency such as a carjacking, child abduction or active shooter scenario).

Finally, every six months or so, the city would publish an annotated list of all cases in which surveillan­ce was obtained, indicating whether or not the crime was solved. Baltimore should, after all, periodical­ly reevaluate whether the fiscal costs and privacy concerns are worth it.

This approach circumscri­bes the use of an untested innovation, it guarantees vital judicial oversight, and it allows the community to meaningful­ly audit the program to assess its overall value each year.

It also gives our city a promising new tactic at a time whencurren­t strategies are manifestly failing.

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