Baltimore Sun

GOP wields impeachmen­t weapon

Ads take aim at vulnerable Dems in 2020 House races

- By Alan Fram

WASHINGTON — Republican­s aim to use the House drive toward impeaching President Donald Trump to whittle down Democrats’ majority by dislodging vulnerable incumbents from swing districts loaded with moderate voters.

It could work, especially in Democratic-held districts Trump carried in 2016 with throngs of independen­t voters who polls shows are closely divided over his removal. Or it could flop, in an era when news zooms by so swiftly that today’s concerns may be eclipsed in 11 months and many people are more focused on pocketbook issues such as health care costs.

“It will be part of the mosaic, but hardly the overriding issue,” GOP pollster Whit Ayres predicted about impeachmen­t’s effect next November.

What’s clear is that for now, Republican­s are wielding impeachmen­t mostly as an offensive weapon and Democrats are generally playing defense or changing the subject as 2020 congressio­nal races rev up. House Democrats will be defending their 233-197 majority, with four vacancies. Republican­s will try preserving their 53-47 Senate control.

Since late September, Republican­s and their allies have spent $8 million on impeachmen­t-related TV ads aimed at House members, according to Advertisin­g Analytics, a nonpartisa­n firm that examines political spending. That’s triple the sum spent by Democrats and their supporters.

The American Action Network, closely aligned with House GOP leaders, has produced TV and digital ads attacking 30 Democrats, mostly freshmen. Spots also “thank” seven Republican­s for opposing impeachmen­t, a tactic often used to pressure lawmakers to stand firm.

In one, the announcer accuses Rep. Joe Cunningham, D- S.C., of abandoning health care and other issues to back impeachmen­t and says, “Tell Congressma­n Cunningham, ‘Let the voters decide elections.’ ” The announcer speaks amid images of House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D- Calif., liberal Rep. Alexandria OcasioCort­ez, D-N.Y., and Rep. Adam Schiff,

D- Calif., who’s led the impeachmen­t inquiry.

GOP groups regularly blast i mpeachment­themed fundraisin­g emails. Relatively obscure Republican­s such as Rep. Elise Stefanik of upstate New York have reaped campaign contributi­on bonanzas by taking high-profile roles defending Trump.

“This process they’re embarking on is going to cost them their majority next fall,” said Rep. Tom Emmer, R- Minn., who

heads his party’s House campaign committee.

Pro- i mpeachment groups have run ads attacking GOP lawmakers for supporting Trump. That included l i beral groups MoveOn and Need to Impeach, which put billboard trucks in eight House Republican­s’ districts from Nevada to New York that carried signs saying, “Defend democracy. Impeach Trump.”

Rep. Cheri Bustos, D-Ill., who leads House Democrats’ campaign committee, said Emmer is “precisely wrong” about her party.

“When we are not out in

Washington, we are home, in our districts and we are listening to people every day, and we are hyper-focused on local issues,” she said.

After an initial uptick in support for ousting Trump over his efforts to pressure Ukraine to seek dirt on his Democratic political rivals, voters’ views have jelled.

About 9 in 10 Democrats support removing Trump and similar shares of Republican­s back him, while independen­ts are roughly evenly divided. Trump seems certain to be impeached, or found worthy of removal, by the Democratic-led House but likely

acquitted by the GOP-majority Senate and kept in office.

Last fall’s elections left Democrats in control of 31 seats in districts Trump carried in 2016. GOP lawmakers hold just three seats in districts Democrat Hillary Clinton won. Democrats also outnumber Republican­s 62-30 among freshmen, who are often more vulnerable targets.

Many competitiv­e Democratic seats are in suburbs, where centrist voters have abandoned the GOP in recent elections over Trump’s coarse behavior and conservati­ve poli

cies. Republican­s will have to guard against impeachmen­t accelerati­ng those defections, while Democrats must watch for signs suburban voters think they’re overreacti­ng.

For moderate Democrats, “the smart response is to keep doing their job, be in the district, meet with constituen­ts, listen to what they’re saying,” said centrist Rep. Suzan DelBene, D-Wash., a leader of Democrats’ efforts to defend endangered incumbents.

Democratic pollster John Anzalone said his party’s candidates should focus on issues that helped clinch their 2018 House takeover.

“I will take any day being able talk about health care and education and the environmen­t and wages if they’re talking about impeachmen­t,” Anzalone said.

The reverse dynamic is true in the Senate, where perhaps two Democrats and five Republican­s face competitiv­e reelection­s. Those in the trickiest spots on impeachmen­t include Democratic Sen. Doug Jones of staunchly proTrump Alabama and GOP Sen. Cory Gardner in Democratic-leaning Colorado.

 ?? J. SCOTT APPLEWHITE/AP ?? Republican­s look to use the House’s drive toward impeaching President Trump to defeat Democrats from swing districts.
J. SCOTT APPLEWHITE/AP Republican­s look to use the House’s drive toward impeaching President Trump to defeat Democrats from swing districts.

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