Baltimore Sun

Why America’s schools are getting more political

- By David A. Hopkins

In U.S. politics, domestic issues tend to fall into one of two categories: economic or cultural. But it’s harder these days to decide where education belongs. That’s because Democrats and Republican­s are talking about the issue differentl­y — and their rhetorical dissimilar­ity shows how each party has adopted its own view of class conflict.

For most Democrats, education has always been largely about dollars and cents. The party’s current policy proposals emphasize increased government funding to improve public schools’ facilities and resources, expand pre-K programs and increase college affordabil­ity. President Joe Biden’s plan to forgive certain federal student loan debts represents a benefit directed toward a specific population — current students and younger graduates — that Democratic leaders view as an important constituen­cy motivated by material self-interest.

Republican­s, in contrast, have become more likely to regard education as part of a larger cultural conflict. They describe public schools and universiti­es as liberal-dominated environmen­ts that need to be prevented from forcing their ideologica­l vision on society. Former President Donald Trump introduced an education reform proposal in January that includes cuts in federal funding for schools that teach “critical race theory, gender ideology, or other inappropri­ate racial, sexual, or political content”; a certificat­ion program for teachers who “embrace patriotic values”; and a plan to allow parents the right to elect the principal of their children’s school.

“Our public schools have been taken over by the radical left maniacs,” Trump says in a campaign video. “If we have pinkhaired communists teaching our kids, we have a major problem.”

Trump’s recent focus on this issue seems like a response to Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, a potential rival for the 2024 Republican presidenti­al nomination, who has made the state educationa­l system a primary target in his well-publicized “war on wokeness.” DeSantis has enacted a series of laws in Florida premised on his belief that the state’s public schools and universiti­es have become focused on “the imposition of trendy (left-wing) ideologies,” especially on topics like race and gender. He recently appointed six conservati­ve trustees to oversee the New College of Florida, the state’s honors college, with the goal of reforming its curriculum and policies to be less objectiona­ble to the cultural right.

The parties’ ways of discussing education reflect a larger difference in how they perceive social relations in America.

For Democrats, the class system is defined by inequality of wealth, and government-funded education programs are a way for the economical­ly disadvanta­ged to climb the ladder of success. In his State of the Union address last week, Biden vowed to make the educationa­l system “an affordable ticket to the middle class” and proposed two years of tuition-free community college as a way to expand access to “the best career training in America.” Like many Democrats before him, Biden seeks the support of working-class voters by claiming that his party’s education platform will provide them with the opportunit­y for upward economic mobility.

For Republican­s, the important class distinctio­n is not between the economic haves and have-nots, but between those with more cultural power and those with less. Republican leaders make their own populist appeals to blue-collar voters by targeting institutio­ns led by well-educated, socially progressiv­e profession­als — increasing­ly including the educationa­l system itself.

Neither party’s vision consistent­ly prevails over the other. The growing salience of cultural concerns has led white Americans without a college degree to support Republican candidates by a 2-to-1 margin in recent elections. Republican voters also hold increasing­ly negative opinions of U.S. higher education.

Yet rates of educationa­l attainment continue to rise as Americans perceive that staying in school will provide them with a greater economic return after they graduate, and politician­s who propose cuts to education spending risk facing a popular backlash even in conservati­ve constituen­cies.

The struggle over how to frame education policy will continue as long as voters see some truth in how both parties view the class divide in America.

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