Baltimore Sun

Do we have to think the unthinkabl­e?

- By Richard K. Sherwin Richard K. Sherwin (Richard.Sherwin@ nyls.edu) is the Wallace Stevens Professor of Law Emeritus and director of the Visual Persuasion Project at New York Law School. He is the author of several books, including “When Law Goes Pop: Th

Leading American news media platforms have recently launched a flood of reports anticipati­ng Donald Trump regaining the presidency in the 2024 election. The parade of horrors associated with a second Trump administra­tion is so shocking it numbs the mind. They range from claims of “dictatorsh­ip” on Trump’s first day in office to threats of “retributio­n” against domestic enemies, including the free press (which Trump continues to characteri­ze as “enemies of the people”). There are also threats of Trump withdrawin­g from NATO, using federal military forces to quell domestic disturbanc­es (like the Black Lives Matter demonstrat­ions that erupted following the killing of George Floyd by Minneapoli­s police), and staging the “largest deportatio­n operation in American history” to stop illegal immigrants from “poisoning the blood” of the country.

And this list doesn’t even touch upon mounting anxieties regarding civil war. Any doubt about the truth of Marshall McLuhan’s famous epigram that artists are “the antennae of the race” (picking up interior realities if not external ones) may be put to rest by a quick look at mainstream entertainm­ent. From the Obamas’ recent Netflix hit “Leave the World Behind” to Alex Garland’s forthcomin­g blockbuste­r “Civil War,” visions of a violent, fractured, dystopian America are rattling our collective imaginatio­n.

Will these stories keep us diverted, comfortabl­y seated on our sofas as we pass the popcorn, or will they prompt the kind of awareness acute political judgment requires?

There are those who welcome the recent flurry of illiberal tidings as a vital warning to the voting public. The central point being: What choice do we have but to think the unthinkabl­e?

But others worry that a steady stream of horror stories recounting the imminent end of democracy in America will normalize the unthinkabl­e, leaving us in a narcolepti­c screen daze, filled with memes, TikToks, deep fakes and deceptive infographi­cs, paralyzed perhaps by fear, gripped by a sense of helpless impotence, when what is called for is clarity of mind and action.

Wakeup call or soporific? Heedless of the apparent contradict­ion, political horror stories about Trump’s return to power are likely to play both sides of the coin.

Effective political speech and exchange require vigilance not only against deliberate disinforma­tion, but also against the contagion of paranoia as well as the false comfort of simply tuning out. Consigning the unthinkabl­e to the margins of consciousn­ess reflects a collective failure of nerve that we can ill afford to indulge when real dangers hover close by. Threats we refuse to consider cannot be lucidly and strategica­lly countered. This includes scenarios of a post-election implosion and the possible breakup of the United States.

For example, it is conceivabl­e that a large liberal state, like California, might seek to break away on grounds of irreconcil­able political, social, economic and cultural difference­s. But the threat of destabiliz­ing a newly illiberal Trumpian America from offshoot nation-states championin­g more equitable social democratic policies, anti-imperialis­m and an end to white supremacy, might prove too much to bear. The same violent federal response as occurred in 1861 to suppress the exodus could follow.

Less likely, but not entirely implausibl­e, is secession from the right. For example, what if in the spirit of Texas state Senator Mayes Middleton’s claims that “there is absolutely no separation of God and government,” Texas decides to establish an independen­t Christian nationalis­t libertaria­n republic?

Would President Trump commit armed federal forces to prevent it? Perhaps not, particular­ly if Texas oil and fracking billionair­e Christian activists like Farris Wilks and Tim Dunn promised to make it worth Trump’s while to let their state go.

It’s true the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in the aftermath of the prior American

Civil War (1861-65) that secession violates the Constituti­on. But Trump has already expressed disdain for fundamenta­l constituti­onal law. The more likely considerat­ion would be: what’s in it for him? In this respect, Trump’s record of wrecked corporate ventures offers a reasonable indicator of how he might use (up) what he deems his for the taking. After all, why should Vladimir Putin’s plutocrati­c fortune exceed his own? Texas could become the real estate deal of the century.

The fact that different scenarios of disunion, violent or not, illiberal or emancipato­ry, can be plausibly imagined alongside other Trump-related horrors attests to the radical uncertaint­y Americans now face. Whether this normalizes the unthinkabl­e or simply forewarns of it leaves intact the darkness gathering on the horizon. That reality must be confronted — courageous­ly, and strategica­lly, in the service of freedom, so long as we are able.

Predicting the future may be a fool’s errand, but in this case, it is not a game. It reflects a concerted effort to wrestle against mind-numbing terror in the hope that visions of political apocalypse in America never become real.

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