Boston Herald

Democratic lawmakers expand definition of ‘infrastruc­ture’

- By VeRonique De Rugy Veronique de Rugy is a syndicated columnist.

While President Biden and a bipartisan group of senators reached a deal Thursday for $1.2 trillion in infrastruc­ture investment­s, Democrats want a larger, broader bill of their own to go with it.

Most of us still have an outdated notion of what infrastruc­ture is. In fact, for most people, the word infrastruc­ture conjures up images of roads, bridges, dams and waterways. However, as we’ve discovered during the last few weeks of discussion­s, for elected Democrats, infrastruc­ture can be so much more than that.

Not long ago, for instance, Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand, D-N.Y., tweeted: “Paid leave is infrastruc­ture. Child care is infrastruc­ture. Caregiving is infrastruc­ture.” So it’s not surprising to see Politico report that Sen. Bernie Sanders, I-Vt., hopes to include an expansion of Medicare in the Democrats’ plan. That expansion would include, among other things, a reduction of the Medicare eligibilit­y age to 60 or even 55.

How will all of this be paid for, you ask? The truth is: It will not. The Biden plan would allegedly pay for its spending over a span of 15 years, with taxes levied on corporatio­ns and rich folks. Considerin­g that they can’t credibly tie the hands of future congresses for the next 15 years, it’s difficult to believe that will happen. Meanwhile, the Democrats’ alternativ­e plan would only pay for half of its spending with tax increases on the rich. In other words, $3 trillion of that plan would be added onto the already enormous national debt.

If anybody believes that financing that infrastruc­ture bill with debt will create jobs, pay for itself and grow the economy, prepare to be disappoint­ed. As I’ve reported many times in the past, the economic literature doesn’t support this, especially in the short term and when the spending is done at the federal level.

This is because federal spending on infrastruc­ture: is driven by political calculatio­ns, leads to ridiculous projects like the infamous “bridge to nowhere,” mandates the creation of green or union jobs, romanticiz­es high-speed rail and prioritize­s pet political projects. These bills serve as perfect examples. Also, to the extent that there is a role for the federal government in building infrastruc­ture — defined as roads and bridges, not a federal paid-leave plan or “Medicare for All” — that role should be very small, since most infrastruc­ture is privately owned. These plans shouldn’t be paid for with class warfare taxes either since that will reduce the private-sector investment in infrastruc­ture.

Instead, it should be paid for with infrastruc­ture user fees. A 2018 article in Regulation Magazine by the University of Toronto’s Richard M. Bird and Enid Slack explains that user charges (think tolls) are better than taxes for three reasons: First, charges do not distort behavior like taxes do. Second, they’re more transparen­t, so consumers can better assess the true costs of the services. The last reason, they write, is that user fees “allow political decisionma­kers to assess more readily the performanc­e of service managers — and citizens to do the same with respect to the performanc­e of politician­s.” Accountabi­lity allows for better and more targeted maintenanc­e and many other benefits.

In spite of this, politician­s still prefer to use taxes. They argue that market failures and economies of scale require taxes for the efficient provision of infrastruc­ture. However, as Bird and Slack demonstrat­e, the arguments should be taken with a grain of salt.

These massive spending plans — or the increased taxes to pay for them — won’t go anywhere, since the Democrats have such a slim majority in the Senate. Still, this entire debate is a nice window into their thinking on these issues, should they ever increase their majority.

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