Boston Herald

TAX TUMULT,

White House, Dems working on Biden’s bid to raise them

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WASHINGTON — President Biden has a simple message for fellow Democrats about his plan to raise taxes to remake large swaths of the American economy: look beyond the bottom line.

Biden is trying to persuade Democrats to embrace a more emotional argument, namely that the plan is fair, that it increases taxes on those who can afford to pay more and spends money on programs targeting children and the middle class.

The president has proposed more than $3 trillion worth of revenue increases, primarily through higher taxes for corporatio­ns and the country’s richest households as well as greater IRS enforcemen­t that would target the wealthy. But key lawmakers voiced doubts this past week about the size and possible impacts on the economy as congressio­nal committees considered the measures and a wide array of business groups sifted through the details to highlight what they oppose.

Interviews with three administra­tion officials suggest the White House is comfortabl­e with settling for a lower price tag as part of the negotiatin­g process, so long as the end result produces a tax system that voters judge as fair. The officials, who were not authorized to publicly discuss ongoing negotiatio­ns and spoke on condition of anonymity, said Democrats are united on this front.

If the playbook of appealing to voters sounds familiar, it was the same strategy used by Biden to cement a bipartisan infrastruc­ture deal earlier this year.

“This is a common sense thing that people agree with,” said Kate Berner, White House deputy communicat­ions director. “They don’t understand why companies can park profits overseas and pay no money in taxes. They don’t understand why a hedge fund manager pays a lower tax rate than a pipefitter. It’s something that people think of as fundamenta­lly broken.”

But in a sign of uncertaint­y, the administra­tion has also stayed publicly quiet about how low Biden is willing to go in slimming down the package. The administra­tion also finds itself grappling with interest groups that the White House views as intentiona­lly misreprese­nting its tax plans in hopes of eroding support. Officials say that claims of job losses by the U.S. Chamber of Commerce and other groups are overblown and fail to consider investment­s in family leave, children, child care, health care and the environmen­t that they believe will help the economy.

The president outlined his tax plans in his budget proposal, setting a baseline for congressio­nal committees. But some Democratic lawmakers, including West Virginia Sen. Joe Manchin, have already objected to the amount of spending and the taxes being raised. Manchin early on raised concerns about Biden’s proposal to increase the corporate income tax rate from 21% to 28%.

“If you’re going to be a leader in the world and the superpower of the world, you better have a competitiv­e tax rate, period,” he said.

While Manchin and Sen. Kyrsten Sinema, D-Ariz., both voted for the budget blueprint that allowed Democrats to begin crafting the social programs package, they have made it clear they will not support the proposed topline spending figure of $3.5 trillion over 10 years.

“Establishi­ng an artificial $3.5 trillion spending number and then reverse-engineerin­g the partisan social priorities that should be funded isn’t how you make good policy,” Manchin wrote in The Wall Street Journal.

On the House side, Democrats can afford to lose only three votes and still pass the spending bill if the GOP unanimousl­y opposes it, as expected. There have already been early signals of unrest, with Rep. Stephanie Murphy, D-Fla., voting against two sections of her party’s bill during a committee hearing this past week, and Rep. Ron Kind, D-Wis., joining her in voting no on one of those votes.

“I don’t know how much we’re spending, how much we’re raising, how we’re spending some of the money and how we’re raising any of the money,” Murphy complained.

Under Biden’s initial proposal, changes to corporate taxes would raise roughly $2 trillion over a decade, with

about 70% of that sum coming from putting the corporate rate at 28% and revising a global minimum tax on profits. An additional $755 billion would come from higher individual taxes on the wealthiest Americans, including an increase to the rate charged on profits from the sale of capital assets such as stocks or real estate.

Increased enforcemen­t by the IRS would yield roughly $460 billion. But a Treasury Department analysis indicates that figure would grow to $1.6 trillion in the following decade as more IRS employees were fully trained, one of the key arguments for saying that the budget would be fiscally responsibl­e.

Part of the challenge for Democrats is the memory of voter backlash against proposed

tax increases during the 1984 presidenti­al election against Ronald Reagan nearly four decades ago.

Many older Democrats and those from more conservati­ve areas fear that voters will penalize them if taxes increase by too much, even if Biden and advocacy groups push the argument that voters are now rejecting Reagan-ism and will reward Democrats for raising taxes on companies and the wealthy.

“We’re in a generation­al struggle within the Democratic Party,” said Frank Clemente, executive director of the advocacy group Americans for Tax Fairness. “We’re in a very different era, and these Democrats haven’t caught up with the era we’re in.”

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 ?? AP FILE ?? ‘COMMON SENSE THING’: President Biden has proposed more than $3 trillion worth of revenue increases, primarily through higher taxes for corporatio­ns and the country's richest households as well as greater IRS enforcemen­t that would target the wealthy.
AP FILE ‘COMMON SENSE THING’: President Biden has proposed more than $3 trillion worth of revenue increases, primarily through higher taxes for corporatio­ns and the country's richest households as well as greater IRS enforcemen­t that would target the wealthy.

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