Boston Sunday Globe

Ye to midterms, an unsettling stream of antisemiti­sm

Jews concerned as troubling rhetoric surfaces

- By Michael Paulson and Ruth Graham

Simon Taylor was on his way to an appointmen­t in Flatbush, Brooklyn, when he pulled into a local filling station one afternoon last week. It was a lovely fall day in New York City, but as he began to fuel up, the climate turned sour: Another customer, spotting the skullcap atop Rabbi Taylor’s head, launched into an expletive-laden rant about how much he hated Jews and then, when the rabbi photograph­ed his license plate, started chasing him with an upraised fist.

Taylor, a 38-year-old father of five who oversees social services and disaster relief programs for an umbrella organizati­on of Orthodox Jews, was shaken. A native of England who now lives on Long Island, he wondered if the incident was connected to a mainstream­ing of antisemiti­c rhetoric in America.

“I’ve never had anything like this in New York, and it definitely felt to me like this whole Kanye West thing had something to do with it,” said Taylor, referring to the ugly utterances of hip-hop legend Kanye West, now known as Ye. “All it takes is a couple influentia­l people to say things, and suddenly it becomes very tense.”

For Jews in America, things are tense indeed. Next week’s midterm elections feel to some like a referendum on democracy’s direction.

There is a war in Europe. The economy seems to be teetering. It is a perilous time, and perilous times have never been great for Jews.

“When systems fail, whether it’s the government or the markets or anything else, leaders often look for someone to blame,” said Jonathan Greenblatt, the CEO and national director of the Anti-Defamation League, which seeks to monitor and combat antisemiti­sm. “Jews have historical­ly played that role.”

Antisemiti­sm is one of the longest-standing forms of prejudice, and those who monitor it say it is now on the rise in America.

The number of reported incidents has been increasing. On Thursday, the FBI warned of a “broad threat” to synagogues in New Jersey; by Friday, the agency had located a man it said expressed “an extreme amount of hate against the Jewish community.”

Social media has clearly made it easier to circulate hate speech, and that means outbursts like Ye’s, in which he posted on Twitter that he would “go death con 3 On JEWISH PEOPLE,” get more attention. (Many have noted that Ye has about twice as many followers on Twitter as the world’s population of Jews.)

Ye’s persistent outbursts have been followed by attention-getting signs of support: In Los Angeles, a group of emboldened antisemite­s hung a “Kanye is right about the Jews” banner over an interstate Oct. 22, and Saturday, similar words were projected at a college football stadium in Jacksonvil­le, Fla.

“There’s no doubt that the normalizat­ion of antisemiti­sm in the highest echelons of our culture and our political establishm­ent is putting toxins in our eyes and our ears,” said Rabbi Rick Jacobs, president of the Union for Reform Judaism, the largest Jewish denominati­on in the country. “It’s dangerous, and it’s deadly. It has been unleashed and accelerate­d in the last few years, and actual attacks have risen.”

For many Jewish people across the country, the sense that overtly antisemiti­c rhetoric is emanating from so many spheres simultaneo­usly is unsettling.

Steve Rosenberg, a former executive at the Jewish Federation of Greater Philadelph­ia, said he was put “over the edge” by an incident last weekend in which a prominent basketball player, Brooklyn Nets guard Kyrie Irving, defended his support of an antisemiti­c documentar­y (and garnered praise from Ye in the process). On Thursday, the Nets suspended Irving indefinite­ly, citing his “failure to disavow antisemiti­sm.” He posted an apology on Instagram late Thursday night.

Rosenberg said the incident had particular resonance for him because of the current politics of his home state.

“In Pennsylvan­ia, we are really at a crossroads,” he said, describing himself as a conservati­ve independen­t who voted for Donald Trump for president in 2016 but could not bring himself to vote for either major-party candidate in 2020.

Rosenberg said that this year, he is voting for Josh Shapiro, the Democratic candidate for governor, because of his concerns about Republican Doug Mastriano, who has alarmed many Jewish voters over incidents including criticizin­g Shapiro for sending his children to a Jewish day school. (Mastriano has said his criticism was directed at Shapiro’s decision to send his children to an “expensive, elite” school and not based on the school’s religious affiliatio­n.)

But his concerns cut both ways. In his state’s race for the Senate, Rosenberg is voting for the Republican, Mehmet Oz, citing concern that the Democrat, John Fetterman, “will vote with the left-wing woke progressiv­e anti-Israel” faction in the Senate.

The years since the election of Trump — a champion of Israel’s right wing and the father of a convert to Judaism, but also the beneficiar­y of societal anger that has often had ugly undertones — have seen a rise in attacks against the Jewish community, which some leaders associate with Trump’s reluctance to distance himself from groups that traffic in antisemiti­sm.

At the same time, the left has been rattled by rising divisions within the Democratic Party over Israel’s treatment of Palestinia­ns, pitting those who have traditiona­lly supported Israel against a rising class of progressiv­e activists and lawmakers who ally themselves with the Palestinia­n cause.

It is a fracture that has made the politics of the moment even more complicate­d for many American Jews.

“There’s this constant discussion and debate as to where it is worse — is it worse on the right or the left — when it’s present on both sides, no question,” said Rabbi Moshe Hauer, executive vice president of the Orthodox Union. “There’s been an ascendancy on the right, but there’s also been a very significan­t uptick on the left, and the evolution of antisemiti­sm on the left is a major developmen­t.”

A new study by a group of academics including Leonard Saxe, the director of the Cohen Center for Modern Jewish Studies at Brandeis University, found that Jews across the political spectrum are equally concerned about what it calls “traditiona­l antisemiti­sm” but that conservati­ves are more concerned than liberals about “Israel-related antisemiti­sm,” meaning anti-Jewish views that can be conflated with criticism of Israel.

There are fissures: In Pittsburgh this week, a group of more than 200 Jews signed a letter criticizin­g a political action committee related to AIPAC, the pro-Israel group, for donating to a Republican congressio­nal candidate, and in the process also criticized AIPAC for supporting “lawmakers who have promoted the antisemiti­c ‘Great Replacemen­t’ conspiracy theory.”

A spokespers­on for AIPAC, Marshall Wittmann, said the organizati­on had opposed the Democratic candidate as a “detractor of America’s alliance with the Jewish state.” Wittmann said AIPAC had supported 148 “pro-Israel Democrats” this election cycle.

“Antisemiti­sm is a conspiracy theory,” said Deborah Lipstadt, the US special envoy for monitoring and combating antisemiti­sm. “The Jew is seen as more powerful; the Jew is richer and is smarter, but in a malicious way.”

Lipstadt said she sees antisemiti­sm as “the canary in the coal mine” for a broader set of threats to democracy.

A thread of antisemiti­sm connects many of the nation’s recent spasms of political violence: the “Jews will not replace us” chants during a white nationalis­t rally in Charlottes­ville, Va., in 2017; the “Camp Auschwitz” sweat shirt worn to last year’s attack on the US Capitol; the Holocaust denial in blog posts that appear to have been written by the man accused of breaking into the residence of House Speaker Nancy Pelosi last week, hoping to break her kneecaps and, upon not finding her at home, attacking her husband with a hammer.

And throughout this year’s election season, troubling rhetoric has surfaced.

In Texas, the Republican candidate for railroad commission­er, Wayne Christian, agreed last week to stop using the slogan “vote for the only Christian” after complaints from his Democratic opponent, Luke Warford, who is Jewish.

In an e-mail, Christian said he has been using the slogan since first running for office, has traveled to Israel, and has “nothing but love and support for the Jewish community.”

But Warford isn’t buying it. “If you take him at his word that he didn’t know he was running against a Jewish candidate, it’s still an antisemiti­c thing to say,” he said.

Rabbis across the country are grappling with how to address the issue with worshipper­s. Congregati­on Beth Elohim in Brooklyn this week sent an e-mail to its members announcing a sermon this weekend on antisemiti­sm, noting the upcoming election as well as news coverage of rising antisemiti­sm and saying, “It is difficult not to feel anxious about the future.”

Younger Jews sense a shift in society. “For people of my parents’ generation, there was a certain sense of safety with regard to antisemiti­sm in America,” said Meshulam Ungar, a 21year old junior at Brandeis and a vice president of the Brandeis Orthodox Organizati­on. “Things have gotten more dangerous for us.”

 ?? HILARY SWIFT/NEW YORK TIMES/FILE ?? A march followed the Pittsburgh synagogue shooting in 2018. For American Jews, this fall has become increasing­ly worrisome.
HILARY SWIFT/NEW YORK TIMES/FILE A march followed the Pittsburgh synagogue shooting in 2018. For American Jews, this fall has become increasing­ly worrisome.

Newspapers in English

Newspapers from United States