Boston Sunday Globe

Complaints rise of improper and forced conscripti­on

Ukraine military is accused of aggressive tactics

- By Thomas Gibbons-Neff

‘The military feel their impunity.’

TETIANA FEFCHAK, head of a public organizati­on that represents men in conscripti­on cases near the city of Chernivtsi

VYZHNYTSIA, Ukraine — With Ukraine’s military facing mounting deaths and a stalemate on the battlefiel­d, army recruiters have become increasing­ly aggressive in their efforts to replenish the ranks, in some cases pulling men off the streets and whisking them to recruiting centers using intimidati­on and even physical force.

Recruiters have confiscate­d passports, taken people from their jobs, and, in at least one case, tried to send a mentally disabled person to military training, according to lawyers, activists, and Ukrainian men who have been subject to coercive tactics. Videos of soldiers shoving people into cars and holding men against their will in recruiting centers are surfacing with increasing frequency on social media and in local news reports.

The harsh tactics are being aimed not just at draft dodgers but at men who would ordinarily be exempt from service — a sign of the steep challenges Ukraine’s military faces maintainin­g troop levels in a war with high casualties, and against a much larger enemy.

Lawyers and activists say the aggressive methods go well beyond the scope of recruiters’ authority and in some cases are illegal. They point out that recruiters, unlike law enforcemen­t officers, are not empowered to detain civilians, let alone force them into conscripti­on. Men who receive draft notices are supposed to report to recruitmen­t offices.

The unconventi­onal tactics have led to a number of court cases this fall as men challenge what they claim are wrongful draft notices, unprofessi­onal medical commission­s, and forced mobilizati­on. In November alone, there were 226 court decisions related to mobilizati­on, according to publicly available records.

Complicati­ng the issue is the fact that Ukraine has been under martial law since Russia invaded in February 2022. Some lawyers contend that this has laid the groundwork for a subjective interpreta­tion — and abuse — of conscripti­on laws.

“The military feel their impunity,” said Tetiana Fefchak, a lawyer who is the head of a public organizati­on that represents men in conscripti­on cases near the city of Chernivtsi, in western Ukraine. She said she believes that some of the tactics violated Ukrainian law.

Whatever the resolution of the court challenges, the increasing­ly aggressive recruiting tactics are a reminder that military manpower is Ukraine’s most vital and limited resource. They are also a measure of the brutalizin­g effect on the citizenry of nearly 22 months of bloody combat.

After Russia invaded, Ukrainians rushed to enlist and defend their homeland. Now, the government acknowledg­es, many men are trying to avoid the fight.

Asked about accusation­s of forced conscripti­on, Ukraine’s Ministry of Defense said in a statement: “Changes to the legislatio­n relating to mobilizati­on and demobiliza­tion processes are currently being developed in the Verkhovna Rada,” referring to Ukraine’s Parliament. If they are adopted, the statement went on to say, the ministry “will analyze the approved norms.”

When Russia launched its full-scale invasion, the Ukraine government prevented men ages 18 to 60 from leaving the country and began several waves of troop mobilizati­ons. And in May, Ukraine’s parliament voted to reduce the conscripti­on age to 25.

Dmytro Yefimenko, 34, a shop owner, is of prime draft age, but he broke his right arm this year and thought he was exempt from service. Then in June, as he was heading to a doctor’s appointmen­t near the small western city of Vyzhnytsia, police stopped him at a checkpoint.

“Without any explanatio­n, without documents, without reasons, an armed man got into my car and forced me to drive to the military recruiting center,” Yefimenko said. He said the man did not provide identifica­tion.

Yefimenko said he was given a hasty medical exam and detained at the recruiting center. He managed to escape overnight, and since then he has undergone exams to ensure that he is still medically exempt.

There is no official accounting of forced conscripti­on cases, making exact figures impossible to verify. Lawyers and activists say there are thousands of examples like Yefimenko’s across Ukraine involving varying degrees of coercion. The New York Times spoke to more than two dozen lawyers, activists, soldiers, conscripts, and family members of conscripts, and also reviewed text messages and military and medical documents, for this article.

The practice of forced conscripti­on can be traced to several issues, activists and lawyers say: vague laws; brutal fighting, including high casualty numbers; and corruption.

Though Ukraine closely guards its casualty figures, US officials estimate them to be well over 150,000. Russian casualty numbers are estimated to be higher, but the military draws from a population roughly three times the size of Ukraine’s.

While some believe that high casualty numbers are partially to blame for aggressive conscripti­on tactics, others point to a different reason: Many Ukrainian men have either fled or bribed their way out of the draft, leaving a shrinking pool of conscripts, some of whom are supposed to be exempt from mobilizati­on.

Among those remaining in the pool are many from impoverish­ed circumstan­ces.

“It’s a war for poor people,” said one Kyiv-based lawyer, requesting anonymity so as not to publicly criticize the military.

Ukrainian officials insist that they are cracking down on corruption. President Volodymyr Zelensky recently said the government was going to change the mobilizati­on system, though he did not provide specifics. In August Zelensky fired 24 regional recruitmen­t chiefs after revelation­s of rampant bribery schemes surfaced.

But residents, lawyers, and activists say that hasn’t solved the problem, because the officials occupying positions beneath the regional chiefs have mostly remained.

“Nothing has changed — quite the opposite, because they have tasks to send a certain number of guys to the front, and they catch everyone they can,” Fefchak said.

Andrii Semaka, a soldier who in the early months of the war worked in the Vyzhnytsia recruiting center, said his office would bring in 15 to 20 potential conscripts a day. Roughly a quarter of them, he said, would bribe his superior, who remains in charge of the center, offering around $1,000 to avoid being drafted. That price has only gone up since.

“It is a buyout from death — no one touches you anymore,” said Semaka, who was sent to fight in Bakhmut in June of last year.

One doctor at a nearby hospital, he said, would forge the documents from the medical commission after receiving a call from the recruiting center. The supervisor would call the doctor and say: “‘For this one, write that he is unfit. And for the other, write that he is healthy,’” he said.

A duty officer answering the phone at the center said the supervisor had declined to comment and referred questions to the regional center.

The government said in August that it had opened more than 100 cases involving corruption in recruitmen­t. Residents in the region have said more recently that it was open knowledge that men could buy their way out of service.

 ?? EMILE DUCKE/NEW YORK TIMES ?? Dmytro Yefimenko was stopped at a checkpoint while on his way to a doctor’s appointmen­t. He was forced to go to a military recruitmen­t center and said he was detained there.
EMILE DUCKE/NEW YORK TIMES Dmytro Yefimenko was stopped at a checkpoint while on his way to a doctor’s appointmen­t. He was forced to go to a military recruitmen­t center and said he was detained there.

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