Chattanooga Times Free Press

WHAT FLYNN’S GUILTY PLEA DOES, DOESN’T TELL US

- Kyle Wingfield

A lot of people spent Friday morning trying to figure out the larger meaning of this breaking news:

“President Donald Trump’s former national security adviser, Michael Flynn, pleaded guilty Friday to ‘willfully and knowingly’ lying to the FBI in Special Counsel Robert Mueller’s investigat­ion into possible Russian interferen­ce in the 2016 election.

“Flynn lied to investigat­ors in January about conversati­ons he had in December 2016 with Russia’s ambassador to the U.S., Sergey Kislyak, according to court documents released Friday.”

Let’s try to sort out a few things. First, Flynn is the highest-profile figure so far to plead guilty in Robert Mueller’s investigat­ion of possible collusion between the Trump campaign and Russia during the 2016 election. So it’s natural to think his guilty plea and related cooperatio­n puts Mueller’s investigat­ors right in the thick of the Trump team.

That said, the timing here is very important. Flynn’s lies to the FBI concern meetings he had in December — after the election, when President-elect Trump was preparing to take office. It’s possible those aren’t the only meetings between Flynn and Russian officials that interest the FBI, and that there were previous meetings during the campaign. But that’s not what these court documents say. If we are talking only about the transition period, that is a very different context than the campaign. Americans might not like Trump’s approach to Russia, but as president-elect he was within his rights to begin feeling out foreign government­s as he readied his own policies for after his inaugurati­on.

So what was Flynn talking about? The court documents indicate that in the Dec. 22 meeting, Flynn “ask(ed) the Russian Ambassador to delay the vote on or defeat a pending United Nations Security Council resolution” and that the ambassador “described to Flynn Russia’s response to his request.” In the Dec. 29 meeting, the documents indicate, Flynn asked the ambassador “to refrain from escalating the situation in response to sanctions that the United States had imposed against Russia that same day,” and that the ambassador told him “that Russia had chosen to moderate its response to those sanctions as a result of his request.”

Again, this happened during the transition. The Obama administra­tion probably didn’t like that Trump was doing this, and one might question the wisdom of Flynn’s requests. But the legality of them — in a vacuum, without evidence these conversati­ons were linked to other conversati­ons during the campaign that would represent some kind of collusion — isn’t really in question. Had Flynn told FBI agents the truth about those conversati­ons, there probably wouldn’t be a story here.

But. (You knew there was a “but” coming, right?)

But … we also know that Flynn ran afoul of some of the same laws Paul Manafort did, in terms of failing to register as a lobbyist for a foreign government (in Flynn’s case, Turkey) and report income from foreign clients. So the question is whether Flynn reached a deal to avoid charges for those actions, in exchange for informatio­n about the Trump campaign and/or transition beyond those December conversati­ons with the Russian ambassador.

So while there’s one scenario in which the Mueller investigat­ion is only coming up with peripheral charges that don’t ultimately point toward collusion or other wrongdoing by the Trump campaign, there’s another scenario in which Mueller is slowly closing in on something, or someone, bigger. He’s got Manafort cooperatin­g after pleading guilty to illicit business dealings before joining the Trump campaign; he’s got a foreign-policy adviser cooperatin­g after pleading guilty to lying about conversati­ons he had with foreign officials during the campaign; and now he’s got Flynn cooperatin­g after pleading guilty to lying about conversati­ons he had with foreign officials after the campaign.

Will those dots ultimately connect to show a noose tightening around the neck of, if not Trump himself, central figures of his campaign and possibly his administra­tion? Or do they represent a thread of sleaze and poor judgment running in parallel to Trump and his political operations without ever touching the latter?

We don’t know yet. But it seems likely there’s more to find out.

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