Chattanooga Times Free Press

THE IRAN DEAL IS A LIE

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“The sanctions lifting will only occur as Iran takes the steps agreed, including addressing possible military dimensions.”

That was State Department spokesman John Kirby in June 2015, speaking just as negotiatio­ns for the Iran nuclear deal were wrapping up. But Tehran did not “take the steps agreed.” The deal was founded on a lie. Two lies, actually. The first was Iran’s declaratio­n to the Internatio­nal Atomic Energy Agency, before the implementa­tion of the deal, of the full extent of its past nuclear work. That was essential, both as a test of Tehran’s sincerity and as a benchmark for understand­ing just how close it was to being able to assemble and deliver a nuclear warhead.

The second lie was the Obama administra­tion’s promise that it was serious about getting answers from Tehran. In a moment of candor, then-Secretary of State John Kerry admitted “we are not fixated on Iran specifical­ly accounting for what they did at one point in time or another” — but then he promised Congress that Iran would provide the accounting.

That was when the White House still feared that Congress might block the deal. When it failed to do so, thanks to a Democratic filibuster, the administra­tion contented itself with a make-believe process in which Iran pretended to make a full declaratio­n and the rest of the world pretended to believe it.

“Iran’s answers and explanatio­ns for many of the IAEA’s concerns were, at best, partial, but overall, obfuscatin­g and stonewalli­ng,” David Albright and his colleagues at the nonpartisa­n Institute for Science and Internatio­nal Security wrote in December 2015.

So much, then, for all the palaver about the deal providing an unpreceden­ted level of transparen­cy for monitoring Iranian compliance. So much, also, for the notion that Iran has honored its end of the bargain. It didn’t. This should render the agreement null and void.

That’s the significan­ce of Benjamin Netanyahu’s show and tell on Monday of what appears to be a gigantic cache of pilfered Iranian documents detailing Tehran’s nuclear work. The deal’s defenders have dismissed the Israeli prime minister’s presentati­on as a bunch of old news — just further proof that Iran once had a robust covert program to build a bomb. They also insist Iran has complied with the terms of the agreement since it came into force in January 2016.

Yet it’s difficult to imagine that the IAEA can now square Iran’s 2015 declaratio­n with what the Israelis have uncovered. If the agency cares for its own credibilit­y as a nuclear watchdog, it should decide that Iran’s past declaratio­n was false and that Iran’s retention of the documents obtained by Israel, with all the nuclear know-how they contain, put it in likely breach of the agreement.

As for Iran’s current compliance, of course it’s complying. The deal gave Iran the best of all worlds. It weakened U.N. restrictio­ns on its right to develop, test and field ballistic missiles — a critical component for a nuclear weapons capability that the Iranians haven’t fully mastered. It lifted restrictio­ns on Iran’s oil exports and eased other sanctions, pumping billions of dollars into a previously moribund economy. And it allows Iran to produce all the nuclear fuel it wants, come the end of the next decade.

Iran’s nuclear history suggests the country’s leaders have always been cautious in the face of credible American threats, which is one reason they shelved much of their nuclear program in 2003 after the U.S. invaded Iraq.

“When the Iranians fear American power, they either back down or they stall,” says Mark Dubowitz, an expert on Iran sanctions at the Foundation for Defense of Democracie­s. “When they don’t fear American power, they push forward. With Trump, the question is: Are they going to feel American power or American mush?”

I opposed the Iran deal, but immediatel­y after it came into effect, I believed that we should honor it scrupulous­ly and enforce it unsparingl­y. Monday’s news is that Iran didn’t honor its end of the bargain and neither does the United States need to now. Punitive sanctions combined with a credible threat of military force should follow.

 ??  ?? Brett Stephens
Brett Stephens

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