Chattanooga Times Free Press

DON’T GIVE UP ON DIVERSIFYI­NG THE POLICE

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The brutal killing of Tyre Nichols, a young Black man, by five Black police officers in Memphis has reignited debates over whether diversity in police agencies can help address racial disparitie­s in police brutality. For some right-wing commentato­rs, the race of the offending officers is evidence that racism played no role in the event. To some progressiv­e activists, politician­s and scholars, the implicatio­n is that even diversifyi­ng police forces makes a negligible difference in a system that is harsher toward Black civilians, and the only answer is to abolish the police. Both arguments imply that diversifyi­ng the police is not an effective way to help curb these abuses.

The reality, as with most social phenomena, is much more complicate­d. Recent advances in the study of race and policing indicate that while diversity in law enforcemen­t is far from a panacea, it can substantia­lly help reduce use of force by police on average — and abandoning diversity-focused reforms would be shortsight­ed.

Diversifyi­ng law enforcemen­t is one of the oldest proposed police reforms, in part because for much of U.S. history nearly all police officers in the United States were white and male, even in predominan­tly Black neighborho­ods.

Police agencies in the United States have, to varying degrees, diversifie­d substantia­lly in terms of race, ethnicity and gender. Social scientists across several discipline­s, myself included, have sought to quantify what role, if any, officer identity can play in day-to-day interactio­ns between police and civilians.

For many years, the data was limited, and studies produced mixed results. But several recent studies have made great strides in understand­ing diversity in law enforcemen­t, and their results show marked difference­s in the way Black, Hispanic and female officers treat civilians relative to their white and male counterpar­ts, even when these groups are deployed to highly similar places, times and scenarios.

In 2021, I published a study in Science with co-authors Bocar Ba, Dean Knox and Roman Rivera that examined years of detailed deployment records of Chicago Police Department officers alongside their stops, arrests and uses of force, allowing for comparison­s of officers facing common circumstan­ces. What we found was striking: “Relative to white officers, Black and Hispanic officers make far fewer stops and arrests, and they use force less often, especially against Black civilians. These effects are largest in majority-Black areas of Chicago and stem from reduced focus on enforcing low-level offenses, with greatest impact on Black civilians.”

Still, many leading progressiv­e voices in debates over abusive policing are advocating for more extreme policy responses, up to and including the outright abolition of police.

Proposals to defund and eliminate the police have been shown to be political nonstarter­s, with even lowlevel reforms meeting stiff opposition. These proposals are broadly unpopular even in communitie­s of color.

We are left with two broad options: pursue imperfect but politicall­y feasible reforms that show promise, or leave suffering communitie­s to languish in the status quo. Diversific­ation is one of many possible reforms, and there might be others with the potential to deliver even larger benefits, including reducing the role of police in responding to mental health crises, and enhancing penalties for police misconduct.

The unconscion­able actions of those Memphis police officers show that diversific­ation is, on its own, a woefully insufficie­nt policy response. But to combat a scourge as persistent as abusive policing, we cannot afford to ignore even partial remedies.

Jonathan Mummolo is an assistant professor of politics and public affairs at Princeton University whose research focuses on police behavior in the United States, the impact of police reforms and statistica­l methods for quantifyin­g racial bias in policing.

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Jonathan Mummolo

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