Chattanooga Times Free Press

DRAG BAN VIOLATES 1ST AMENDMENT

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Tennessee has passed a law aimed at restrictin­g drag performanc­es, an art form that often involves exaggerate­d gender performanc­e and crossdress­ing. Similar bills have been introduced in 14 other states as part of the revived culture war against LGBTQ people. The Tennessee law was written to survive judicial scrutiny by presenting itself as designed to protect minors. But the law is neverthele­ss unconstitu­tional, violating the First Amendment in several ways.

The most important First Amendment violation is also the most obvious: The Tennessee law discrimina­tes based on viewpoint. Viewpoint determinat­ion violates the core of free speech as understood by the Supreme Court.

The Tennessee law extends an existing ban on “adult cabaret performanc­es” in places where minors might see them to include “male or female impersonat­ors.” The other adult cabaret performanc­es mentioned in the law are “topless dancers, go-go dancers, exotic dancers, [and] strippers.”

It’s almost certainly constituti­onal for a state to say that sexualized performanc­es can only be performed in places where there are no minors. To be clear, the First Amendment would not allow a state to ban those performanc­es outright. Dancing, including nude or sexy dancing, is expressive conduct that the courts consider to be a form of speech. It’s therefore protected by the Constituti­on. Restrictin­g those performanc­es to adults-only spaces is a time and place regulation that the courts consider reasonable.

That’s why the Tennessee law, instead of banning drag performanc­es outright, purports to restrict them like adult entertainm­ent. The law’s drafters want the courts to say that there is no difference between protecting minors from seeing strippers and protecting them from seeing drag.

On closer examinatio­n, though, the law doesn’t pass constituti­onal muster. The main reason is that the law targets a particular kind of performanc­e based on the message it sends: It prohibits a performanc­e where a person dresses as a different gender than the person’s assignedat-birth sex, but it would not prohibit the exact same performanc­e if the performer had a different assigned sex.

To see what I mean, imagine two identical dance performanc­es, one by a man and the other by a woman. If both performers wear an identical dress, and their performanc­es are visually indistingu­ishable, only the man’s performanc­e would be banned by the statute. Yet the only difference is the symbolic meaning of the performanc­e with respect to gender.

Targeting symbolic meaning in this way is a classic example of what the Supreme Court calls viewpoint discrimina­tion. Under the First Amendment, the government is not allowed to ban speech based on its point of view, because that amounts to prohibitin­g speech based on what it is trying to say.

In a last-ditch attempt to avoid the viewpoint discrimina­tion problem, the Tennessee law says that it only applies to performanc­es that appeal to the “prurient interest.” That’s technical language that refers to speech that is “obscene.” Obscene speech is a category that historical­ly was considered outside the First Amendment. The law’s authors may even have been trying to protect cross-dressing they like, from “Mrs. Doubtfire” to “Madea.”

But the law would still violate the First Amendment as viewpoint discrimina­tion even if it only covered obscene speech. In an important 1992 case, R.A.V. v. St. Paul, the Supreme Court, in an opinion by Justice Antonin Scalia, held that the First Amendment means the government cannot discrimina­te by viewpoint even within a category like obscenity. Put another way, viewpoint discrimina­tion is always unconstitu­tional, even in a realm where the First Amendment allows regulation, like obscenity or libel.

To be sure, there are plenty of other constituti­onal and logical problems with the law, but the best analysis would focus on what really makes it unconstitu­tional: The law is an effort by Tennessee to prohibit expressive speech based on the state’s dislike of its message. The whole point of the First Amendment is to protect us from that.

 ?? ?? Noah Feldman
Noah Feldman

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