Chicago Sun-Times

Gentrifica­tion not the great South Side evil

- NATALIE Y. MOORE Natalie Y. Moore is a reporter for WBEZ and author of “The South Side: A Portrait of Chicago and American Segregatio­n.”

Gentrifica­tion is a boogeyman on Chicago’s South Side. But in reality it’s a phantom. The term is bandied about whenever people experience or anticipate neighborho­od change. Gentrifica­tion has become a proxy for feelings of unsettleme­nt or uncertaint­y about whether those changes are meant to benefit black folk.

Gentrifica­tion is one of the most misused words I hear. By definition, gentrifica­tion is rooted in class, not race. It’s the displaceme­nt of lower- income households replaced by higher- earning ones. But because race and class are so intertwine­d, the sight of a white person walking a dog in a south lakefront community stokes fears about black folk losing land.

I get it. City policy has been unfriendly to black Chicagoans for a century. Urban renewal often meant “Negro removal.” The constructi­on of the Dan Ryan Expressway and high- rise public housing most impacted black neighborho­ods. We’ve seen gentrifica­tion in other parts of the city: black families displaced on the North Side with the revamping of public housing developmen­ts Cabrini- Green and on the West Side with Henry Horner.

The South Side is a different story. The research belies notions of gentrifica­tion. The University of Illinois at Chicago created an updated gentrifica­tion index in 2014 to understand housing and market forces in the city. The major takeaway is that a shrinking middle class and population loss is more of an issue overall in the city than gentrifica­tion. ( While families in Logan Square, for example, may have a different experience, it’s not spread uniformly.) For black neighborho­ods, there’s been serious decline.

For six years, I lived in Bronzevill­e. I owned a condo that ended up being a financial bust — from a purchase price of $ 172,000 to an appraisal years later of $ 45,000. Cars cost more than my place. I had a three- bedroom, two- bathroom unit replete with stainless steel, granite and gated parking. While there are many renters and homeowners trying to better the neighborho­od, change has been slow, with race at the center of paralysis. Even with new rehabbed housing, Bronzevill­e doesn’t qualify as gentrifica­tion because there wasn’t wholesale replacemen­t of people despite improvemen­ts to the neighborho­od. Just take a look at the State Street corridor where high- rise public housing once stood. It’s mostly empty. There’s been displaceme­nt but no replacemen­t. And major investment did not follow despite the impression that green ( capitalism) trumps everything.

Bronzevill­e also still has a lot of low- income households, and former public housing residents living on vouchers enjoy some of the positive changes such as Mandrake Park on Cottage Grove, which hosts a mix of people with varying incomes on its benches, tracks, playground and tennis courts.

Furthermor­e, Harvard University investigat­ed whether black South Side neighborho­ods felt gentrifica­tion. The answer was no. Racial discrimina­tion and stereotype­s around perception of race dominate, according the scholars’ 2014 findings. Similarly, a 2012 study by Montana State University compared Bronzevill­e to Pilsen. The latter has experience­d gentrifica­tion. Why? Because, the study found, Pilsen was treated as a more viable site of ethnic consumptio­n — a la tacos and margaritas — while Bronzevill­e struggled to redevelop because of stereotypi­cal conception­s of blackness.

I get these facts and figures mean little to people who worry about affordabil­ity and sustainabi­lity in their neighborho­ods. Past racial practices in this city, whether public or private, probably echo louder for black households who remember land grabs. Still, I caution that we consider various market forces. In times of insecurity about the future of black neighborho­ods, people should clamor for smart economic developmen­t and make their voices heard at City Hall, foundation­s and universiti­es and among any other players they don’t completely trust.

We also must remember that Chicago is a different animal. Gentrifica­tion severely plays out in black neighborho­ods in cities such as Washington, D. C., Oakland and Atlanta. One of the biggest difference­s between Chicago and any of those cities is the scope of geography. Our city is so vast. Neighborho­ods like Washington Heights, West Pullman, Pill Hill, Avalon Park and Roseland are not primed for gentrifica­tion.

Black neighborho­ods are still climbing out of the housing crash. Data has shown that Chicago- area black homeowners have been slower to rebuild their share of mortgage borrowing than any other racial group. The deleteriou­s effects of mass incarcerat­ion and de- industrial­ization inflict pain on many low- income black neighborho­ods. The visible signs of foreclosur­es dot once- stable middle- class neighborho­ods like Park Manor. Boarded- up businesses and lack of economic developmen­t, a big cause of high unemployme­nt, stymie dozens of black South Side communitie­s. And, of course, there’s violence.

In short, the South Side has much more pressing issues to worry about than gentrifica­tion. Our urban challenges require thoughtful­ness and intentiona­lity. We can’t get distracted by the boogeyman.

 ?? | MAUDLYNE IHEJIRIKA/ SUN- TIMES FILE PHOTO ?? A Mariano’s store in Bronzevill­e features this screened wall filled with photos of pioneering African- Americans who once lived there.
| MAUDLYNE IHEJIRIKA/ SUN- TIMES FILE PHOTO A Mariano’s store in Bronzevill­e features this screened wall filled with photos of pioneering African- Americans who once lived there.
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