Chicago Sun-Times

Reticent Gorsuch picks his precedents

The nominee for whom past rulings are king was adept at treading carefully around them

- RichardWol­f @ richardjwo­lf USA TODAY

Supreme Court nominee Neil Gorsuch says judges should focus “backward, not forward” when deciding cases by looking, among other things, to past court precedents. But through more than 20 hours of testimony before Congress, he only grudgingly endorsed the oldest and most popular of those precedents, refusing to offer his opinions on those decided in recent decades and by narrowmajo­rities.

His refusal to take sides on cases decided by the high court involving abortion, gun control, campaign finance and gay rights added to the concerns of Democrats already inclined to oppose

him for other reasons: Republican­s’ refusal to consider President Obama’s nominee, Merrick Garland; President Trump’s use of a litmus test to ensure Gorsuch would be a staunch conservati­ve; and a year- long, multimilli­on- dollar campaign financed by unknown donors.

Sen. Dianne Feinstein of California, the top Democrat on the Judiciary Committee, gave voice to those concerns to illustrate why Democrats are “in just a terrible position” with confirmati­on votes scheduled for this week. She recalled how difficult it was to get Gorsuch even to address the unanimous Brown v. Board of

Education decision of 1954 striking down public school segregatio­n.

Under questionin­g from Sen. Richard Blumenthal, D- Conn., Gorsuch said the ruling vindicated the correct original meaning of the 14th Amendment. He called it “one of the shining moments in constituti­onal history in the United States Supreme Court.”

But getting Gorsuch to comment favorably on other high court precedents proved difficult, much to Democrats’ dismay. He eventually said positive things about two decisions from the 1960s — Griswold v. Connecticu­t, which struck down state bans on contracept­ives by a 7- 2 vote, and Loving v. Virginia, a unanimous ruling that invalidate­d state laws against interracia­l marriage.

That’s about as far as the 49- year- old federal appeals court judge from Colorado was willing to go. On more recent, controvers­ial cases — notably Roe v.

Wade, which made abortion legal nationwide in 1973 and was upheld in a related case two decades later — he refused to state his views.

“The reliance interest considerat­ions are important there, and all the other factors that go into analyzing precedent have to be considered,” he said. Pressed on whether Roe has become a “superprece­dent,” he said only, “It has been reaffirmed many times, I can say that.”

On some of the court’s most closely decided cases of the past decade, Gorsuch dodged repeated questions:

On Heller v. District of Columbia, the 5- 4 decision in 2008 that protected the right to own firearms for self- defense, he said “the dissent and the majority opinion were both very fine opinions, very thoughtful.”

On Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission, the 5- 4 ruling in 2010 that struck down limits on election campaign spending by corporatio­ns, he said Congress still can intercede. “There’s ample room in the area of campaign finance for further legislatio­n,” he said.

On Obergefell v. Hodges, the 5- 4 decision in 2015 that legalized same- sex marriage, he blocked all efforts to solicit his views. “There is ongoing litigation about its impact and its applicatio­n right now,” Gorsuch said.

“For a judge to start tipping his or her hand about whether they like or dislike this or that precedent would send the wrong signal,” he said. “It would send a signal ... that the judge’s personal views have something to do with the judge’s job.”

Democrats complained that the last two justices nominated by a Republican president, Chief Justice John Roberts and Justice Samuel Alito, had been more specific. But more recently, Obama nominees Sonia Sotomayor and Elena Kagan were equally evasive.

While Gorsuch would have preferred to remain a blank slate on all precedents, he did say which ones merit more or less deference. His definition was drawn in part from an 800- page book he cowrote, The Law of Judicial Precedent, which he said “makes a great doorstop.”

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