Chicago Sun-Times

Illinois’ hasty police, justice ‘reforms’ undermine public safety

- BY JASON JOHNSON Jason Johnson is the president of the Law Enforcemen­t Legal Defense Fund.

The package of police and justice reforms rushed through by the Illinois General Assembly and set to be signed by Gov J.B. Pritzker are nothing more than a solution in search of a problem.

The nearly 800-page behemoth of a bill misses the point of what effective law enforcemen­t and justice improvemen­ts should and realistica­lly can do to both protect public safety, profession­alize law enforcemen­t and deliver fair and impartial justice to offenders and for victims.

Indeed, law enforcemen­t and the justice system in Illinois are far from perfect but this soon-to-be law weakens the ability to fight crime and protect the public. It is a recipe for further carnage.

Last year, the Windy City saw homicides jump by 55% to 769 killings for the whole of last year while shootings went up 52%, and car-jackings doubled.

While the largest city in the Land of Lincoln, Chicago, is beset by violence, lawmakers in Springfiel­d risk exacerbati­ng the problem by demoralizi­ng and hindering police, releasing violent offenders and emboldenin­g offenders by gutting consequenc­es for crime.

Meanwhile, the bill puts police officers on the defensive by allowing officers to be “decertifie­d” or fired and banned from policing for more and vaguer offenses and under a process that their union representa­tives had no say in. This amounts to giving law enforcemen­t less protection­s than the state’s DMV employees or teachers — who cannot be fired even for egregious misconduct without adhering to a lengthy, byzantine process.

Other provisions demonstrat­e that the authors never bothered to consult with experts or law enforcemen­t. For example, the bill bans chokeholds, which have been banned in Illinois since 2015. Elsewhere, the bill prohibits “military gear” acquisitio­n by police agencies including “tracked vehicles” (i.e. tanks), grenade launchers, bayonets, and weaponized aircraft. Springfiel­d must be watching too many movies — no police force is mounting bayonets, launching grenades, or flying attack helicopter­s.

This is fantasy — no police agency in Illinois received anything like those items from the Pentagon in the last decade. (The socalled “bayonets” are, in fact, utility knives that anyone who served in the military would recognize.)

Lawmakers are also seemingly ignorant of how law enforcemen­t agencies have already adapted to mental health crises. Mental health protocols and training for officers is widespread already — and legally mandated as of January 2020. Now, it is becoming common practice for “crisis response teams” that include officers (who now train for these situations) to pair with mental health profession­als and other experts to defuse situations and get the subject care and services. Piling on reporting requiremen­ts and new mandates only makes it more difficult to implement effective strategies and adapt to changing needs.

The legislatio­n also empowers criminals further by gutting important “truth in sentencing” and fair punishment laws. The bill gives judges almost complete discretion to ignore minimum sentencing rules and expedites the release of dangerous prisoners. It also gives suspects three free phone calls before the police even begin to question a suspect, who already received their Miranda rights.

The worst provision is to eliminate cash bail. It is both foolhardy and downright dangerous. Cook County Chief Judge Timothy Evans’ 2017 order effectivel­y eliminated cash bail along the same lines as the state package. Independen­t analyses have shown that it was an utter failure. Evans even acknowledg­ed his own report touting its success was flawed. An investigat­ion by the Chicago Tribune showed that re-offense, especially violent crimes, was four times the rate Evans claimed over the 15-month study period. There were 18 more offenders released or no bond who went on to commit murders.

An academic analysis by the University of Utah showed that the changes increased the number of new crimes by releasees by 45% and violent crimes by one third. Spousal abusers also increasing­ly escaped justice according to the authors, “a substantia­l number of aggravated domestic violence prosecutio­ns prosecutor­s dropped after the changes, presumably because batterers were able to more frequently obtain release and intimidate their victims into not pursuing charges.”

Without bond requiremen­ts and a higher bar for holding a suspect, most dangerous violent offenders will walk free within hours of their arrest. Just look at New York state’s continued calamity of repeat offenders being released to victimize the public again and again.

And the public — especially communitie­s hard-hit by violence and crime — want more police, not less. Residents of impoverish­ed and often dangerous urban areas overwhelmi­ngly want more (53%) or the same (41%) police presence in their communitie­s according to a poll conducted this summer by Gallup for the Center for Advancing Opportunit­y after the George Floyd incident. A similar Gallup poll found a staggering 68% of residents in Chicago’s South Side wanted the police to spend more time in their neighborho­od — only 5% wanted the police around less.

And crime is costly. According to a recent survey, the average Chicagoan faced a crime tax of $3,136 in 2019 or $8.5 billion citywide, 75% of the city’s 2020 budget. And that price tag is sure to climb by billions in 2020 due to this year’s violence.

Surely, that’s not in the interest of justice or public safety.

 ?? JUSTIN L. FOWLER/THE STATE JOURNAL-REGISTER VIA AP ?? Illinois State Capitol
JUSTIN L. FOWLER/THE STATE JOURNAL-REGISTER VIA AP Illinois State Capitol

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