Chicago Tribune (Sunday)

WHO HAS THE RIGHT IDEA ABOUT STIFF WEALTH TAXES?

CORY BOOKER, WHO UNDERSTAND­S THEY DON’T MAKE SENSE

- By Megan McArdle Megan McArdle is a Washington Post columnist and the author of “The Up Side of Down: Why Failing Well Is the Key to Success.”

“The way we achieve our goals and bring our country together is we talk about the things that unite us, and that is that we want to build: an America that works for the people.” — Sen. Elizabeth Warren, D-Mass.

“We as Democrats need to fight for a just taxation system. But as I travel around the country, we Democrats also have to talk about how to grow wealth, as well.” — Sen. Cory Booker, D-N.J.

Early in Wednesday’s Democratic debate, Sens. Elizabeth Warren, DMass., and Cory Booker, D-N.J., had an exchange that tells you almost everything you need to know about the Warren campaign, and even the broader Democratic contest. It happened when moderator Andrea Mitchell lobbed her a softball question about uniting the country, and Warren batted it away with a paean to her favorite policy: stiff wealth taxation.

“The way we achieve our goals and bring our country together,” said Warren, “is we talk about the things that unite us, and that is that we want to build: an America that works for the people, not one that just works for rich folks.”

Booker, who was asked whether he agreed with this strategy, somewhat regretfull­y demurred. He acknowledg­ed the need for more tax revenue, of course, to fund the spending Democrats want to do. “But here’s the challenge. We as Democrats need to fight for a just taxation system. But as I travel around the country, we Democrats also have to talk about how to grow wealth, as well.”

And there, in a few simple words, is the choice Democrats face: between an economic moderate who thinks that growing the size of the economic pie has to be an important part of the

Democratic agenda, and a full-blown progressiv­e who just wants to carve it up differentl­y.

This will not, of course, be news to anyone who has been paying attention. What’s somewhat more interestin­g is their respective constituen­cies. Booker is overperfor­ming among nonwhite voters, who tend to be not just lowerincom­e but more socially conservati­ve, and more focused on bread-and-butter issues, than white Democrats. Warren, on the other hand, is the candidate of the affluent, the educated and the white, what Republican polling firm Echelon Insights recently dubbed the “Acela Party.”

It might seem a bit strange that wealth taxes are being promulgate­d by a candidate who caters to white profession­als with healthy household balance sheets, while the former mayor of Newark is making such investment-bankerly noises. But in fact there’s a certain logic to it. After all, wealth taxes — as Booker ably pointed out — don’t really make much sense as a technocrat­ic policy matter.

If you want to spend a bunch of money on new social programs, a value-added tax is harder to evade and raises a lot more revenue. A tax on capital income is more economical­ly efficient and just as progressiv­e. A broad-based and highly progressiv­e income tax is much easier to administer. And if you think that billionair­es get that way by doing something socially harmful, regulating or taxing that specific activity would be more effective at ending their malfeasanc­e. None of these methods carry the heavy risk, inherent to a wealth tax, that America’s capital base will erode, and then productivi­ty will erode, and then worker incomes will shrink.

But there is one thing a wealth tax can do better than anything else: destroy fortunes. That money doesn’t necessaril­y go to anyone else, mind you; it may just get eaten up by compliance costs and dead-weight losses. But the rich people definitely won’t have it. This is a fairly useless policy goal unless you happen to be in direct competitio­n with wealthy people for social status and scarce resources such as elite school places.

The best way to understand a wealth tax, in other words, is not in terms of rich and poor but as an intraelite battle. The two sides are characteri­zed by what New York Times columnist David Brooks once dubbed “status-income disequilib­rium.” One side consists of people whose elite jobs are well-paid compared with the national average but poorly paid compared with similarly educated and successful people in more mercenary fields, and who can therefore generally only access the best resources by leveraging family money, profession­al prestige or social capital. On the other side are those with more lucrative occupation­s who crassly buy their way in.

Heavy wealth taxation helps the former group by kneecappin­g their opponents without much touching their own, less tangible forms of social capital. Better still, this sounds like it does something for the poor, allowing them, and Warren, to congratula­te themselves that they’re really a finer grade of person, rather than some self-interested boob who votes from the pocketbook.

It’s a startlingl­y apt summation of so much of Warren’s campaign: policies that sound like they help the poor while somehow delivering the greatest benefits to the educated elites of the Acela Corridor. Booker obviously understand­s the reality underlying the polished populist veneer. The only question is whether Democratic voters will.

 ?? ALEX WONG/GETTY ?? Presidenti­al candidates Sen. Cory Booker, left, Rep. Tulsi Gabbard, Sen. Amy Klobuchar, Mayor Pete Buttigieg and Sen. Elizabeth Warren on the Democratic debate stage Wednesday.
ALEX WONG/GETTY Presidenti­al candidates Sen. Cory Booker, left, Rep. Tulsi Gabbard, Sen. Amy Klobuchar, Mayor Pete Buttigieg and Sen. Elizabeth Warren on the Democratic debate stage Wednesday.

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