China Daily Global Weekly

Politicizi­ng securities regulation

Washington’s aim at US-listed Chinese firms unlikely to prevail given market realities

- By EUGENE Y. LEEROY The author is an adjunct professor of economics at the University of Maryland. The views do not necessaril­y reflect those of China Daily.

Outgoing US President Donald Trump has signed a bill calling for the delisting of foreign companies that do not adhere to the same accounting transparen­cy standards that securities regulators impose on US public firms.

The US Congress on Dec 2 passed the Holding Foreign Corporatio­n Accountabi­lity Act, which prohibits foreign companies, despite being listed in the US, from trading in the country if they do not comply with the accounting requiremen­ts of the US Securities and Exchange Commission for three consecutiv­e years.

To check the rise of China, the United States has been imposing restrictio­ns on Chinese companies, institutio­ns and other entities in fields ranging from trade to technology. China’s response and Washington’s further measures have intensifie­d the conflict.

Yet, if the passing of the HFCA Act could further intensify the conflict between China and the US, it could also prompt the two countries to resume cooperatio­n.

In China, some say Chinese companies should not tolerate discrimina­tion in the US, and therefore those companies listed on US stock exchanges should “return” to China, while others say they should comply with US regulation­s and keep operating in the US.

In the US, on the other hand, some argue that the delisting of Chinese companies can protect American investors, while others claim Chinese companies have already melted into the US market, so delisting them will cost small and medium-sized American investors dear and make them worse off in the face of the novel coronaviru­s pandemic.

However, I think it is necessary to analyze the details of the HFCA Act and understand its advantages and disadvanta­ges for both China and the US before deciding which of the augments is correct.

The informatio­n foreign companies are required to submit to the US authoritie­s, according to the HFCA Act, can be divided into two parts. The first part is based on the profession­al considerat­ions of securities regulation, while the second part mainly targets Chinese companies.

To begin with, the act requires auditors of foreign public companies to allow the Public Company Accounting Oversight Board to inspect their audit papers for audits of non-US operations as required by the Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002. It also requires foreign issuers of securities to disclose the percentage of shares owned by government entities where the issuers are based, and whether those government entities have a controllin­g financial interest in the company issuing those securities.

To me, this part of the requiremen­ts appears reasonable. Based on my previous experience working with regulatory agencies, US regulators have traditiona­lly had strict disclosure rules on the share and degree of participat­ion of foreign government­s in foreign companies operating in the US.

If a government’s share in a foreign company exceeds a certain level and a claim of only passive interest is made, the company must provide detailed statements of equity informatio­n, including the type and structure of ownership, the control of voting rights, the setting of the right of approval and the right of veto, as well as the authority to dismiss managers, and the circumstan­ces under which it can be done.

And if a shareholde­r has approval and veto power, it is necessary to disclose whether and to what extent that shareholde­r is involved in decision-making, and who actually conducts the day-to-day operations and makes important decisions.

Some Western and East Asian countries (such as France, Spain, Belgium, Finland, and Japan) have a tradition of state capitalism, and their companies listed on US stock exchanges often have government shares. Without exceptions, all of them strictly comply with the SEC’s accounting and regulation requiremen­ts.

As for the second part of the bill, it requires companies to disclose the names of their board members who are also members of the Communist Party of China and whether their articles of incorporat­ion include text from the Party’s charter. This part clearly politicize­s the securities regulation. China is governed by the CPC, and these requiremen­ts are aimed at both the country and the Party.

The implementa­tion of the HFCA Act has advantages and disadvanta­ges for both China and the US. On the plus side, the first part of the bill requires the Chinese companies listed on US exchanges to comply with the same regulation­s as US companies and other foreign companies, which is conducive to transparen­cy and fair competitio­n.

Technicall­y, it provides better protection for all companies and individual­s investing in the US, while prompting Chinese companies to become more competitiv­e in the internatio­nal market. In addition, it makes US regulators’ job easy with unified regulation and higher efficiency.

The disadvanta­ges of the act mainly stem from the second part. It is not common for a Chinese private enterprise to include text from the Party’s charter in its articles of incorporat­ion. But it is highly likely that some of its board members have a Party background.

After all, the CPC is the country’s ruling party. This requiremen­t of the act is discrimina­tory, because there are no US acts that require a listed company to disclose who, if any, among its board members are Republican or Democratic party members or supporters.

China has pledged to strengthen regulatory cooperatio­n through dialogue to meet the first part of the requiremen­ts, and some concrete progress is expected. However, the real difference­s lie in the second part. If China and the US cannot reach a broad consensus on this part, a mass delisting of Chinese companies in the US could become a reality in three years.

Arguably, the delisting of Chinese companies from the US exchanges is not necessaril­y a bad thing for the Chinese government and companies. Instead, it may cause more losses to American companies. The Chinese government has long wanted Chinese companies to list overseas in a restrictiv­e way, and would prefer them to be based on the Chinese mainland or in the Hong Kong

Special Administra­tive Region to boost the prestige of China’s own exchanges.

For Chinese companies, they have already made full use of internatio­nal capital on the US exchanges for their initial growth over the past decade or so. As of Oct 2, 217 Chinese companies were listed on US exchanges with a combined market capitaliza­tion of about $2.2 trillion.

If delisted, Chinese companies can remove American investors as their shareholde­rs at a depressed buyout price, and then re-list on Chinese stock exchanges at a much loftier valuation.

Jesse Fried, a law professor at Harvard University, argues that the HFCA Act aims to delist Chinese companies from the US exchanges at the expense of Americans holding shares in these companies — a cure likely worse than the disease. And the losses will be suffered by not only big institutio­nal investors but also retail investors, who either directly own the Chinese companies’ shares, or have retirement portfolios which include exchangetr­aded funds that cover these companies.

The SEC is now drafting an implementa­tion plan. But as its chairman Jay Clayton has stepped down on Dec 23, the plan is likely to be finalized by the new chairman who will be appointed by the next president.

And any profession­al and rational decision-maker will realize the advantages and disadvanta­ges of one group of policymake­rs drafting the implementa­tion plan and another group finalizing it.

So should the HFCA Act be seen as Trump’s last-ditch attempt to decouple US and Chinese economies?

Given the four decades of fruitful, win-win relationsh­ip between the world’s two largest economies, decoupling will be not only difficult and complex, but also harmful for both sides at a time when Sino-US cooperatio­n is needed more than ever before to boost global economic recovery in the time of the pandemic.

China, on its part, may want the companies to remain listed in the US, so as to consolidat­e its image as a responsibl­e big power and to show the rest of the world its determinat­ion to deepen reform and openingup.

As far as the US economy is concerned, American investors stand to gain if the Chinese companies continue to be listed in the US, because that will create more and better opportunit­ies for them to invest in China and profit from its rapid economic growth.

Fang Xinghai, vice chairman of the China Securities Regulatory Commission, said China is “sincere” about ending the “standoff” with the US over the Chinese companies’ listing issue.

And Marc Lyeki, former Head of Asia-Pacific Listings at the New York Stock Exchange, said the SEC appears to be preparing a co-audit solution based on the recommenda­tions of the Presidenti­al Working Group.

China-US cooperatio­n has benefited not only the two countries but also the rest of the world, albeit to different degrees.

In fact, the US market is not preparing for a mass delisting of Chinese companies. As such, the two sides are likely to strengthen cooperatio­n and resolve the issue within three years.

 ?? CAI MENG / CHINA DAILY ??
CAI MENG / CHINA DAILY

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