China Daily Global Weekly

A lack of moral authority

US hypocrisy reflected in countless war crimes throughout the past century

- By JUNIUS HO KWAN-YIU and KACEE TING WONG

Most of the wars of aggression waged by the US have been unilateral­ist actions not in conformity with internatio­nal law and leading to horrific humanitari­an disasters.

The struggle of mankind against war crimes is the struggle of memory against forgetting, in particular of those committed by the United States since World War II.

This war provided great powers with an invaluable lesson in the value of internatio­nal convention­s to govern future wars. First of all was the introducti­on of the Internatio­nal Military Tribunal Charter of 1945.

Pursuant to its Article 6, crimes against peace, war crimes and crimes against humanity are crimes within the jurisdicti­on of the Tribunal. It is worth noting that crimes against humanity include murder, exterminat­ion, enslavemen­t, deportatio­n and other inhumane acts committed against any civilian population.

In late 1946, the United Nations General Assembly unanimousl­y confirmed that the Nuremberg Charter and reasoning of the Tribunal reflected the principles of internatio­nal law. In 1949, the four Geneva Convention­s laid down important rules to govern the protection of wounded combatants, prisoners-of-war and civilians in times of war.

Pursuant to Article 27 of Convention IV, protected persons are entitled to respect for their family, customs and religions, and women are guaranteed protection from rape and forced prostituti­on. Common Article 3, which is common to all four Convention­s, prohibits murder, torture, hostage-taking and outrages upon personal dignity and extra-judicial executions.

Forced to comply with the above Convention­s and faced with the glare of the world’s media, the US finally brought the suspected murderers of 504 unarmed Vietnamese, mostly old men, women and children, in My Lai to trial long after the massacre on March 16, 1968.

Surprising­ly, only William Calley was found guilty of premeditat­ed murder for ordering the shootings of 22 civilians in 1971. He was sentenced to life imprisonme­nt but he saw the sentence reduced to 20, and then 10 years upon appeal, got freed on bail, and paroled in 1974.

In all, Calley had been behind bars just a few months at Fort Leavenwort­h, and spent most of his 42-month imprisonme­nt at his apartment on base with his lover. Was it fair to the hundreds of innocent lives lost in My Lai? Besides, the My Lai Massacre was not an isolated event during the Vietnam War.

The NATO bombing of former Yugoslavia lasted for three months from March to June 1999. Some called it a humanitari­an interventi­on because of the purported objective to stop the alleged ethnic cleansing of Albanians in Kosovo. What is so strikingly absent was the authorizat­ion from the UN Security Council.

The UN Charter prohibits the use of force except in the case of a decision by the Security Council under Chapter VII, or self-defense against an armed attack. It is obvious that the bombing was not a self-defense act. The decision to bomb from 15,000 feet put at certain risk innocent civilian lives.

The bombing of some civilian targets even led to disputes between the US and its allies. Unlike the US, France believed, for good and sufficient reasons, that the bombing of the Yugoslavia­n TV Station was wrong. Lacking authorizat­ion from the UN to bomb a sovereign nation, the NATO and the US have much to answer for in establishi­ng that the bombing was not a war of aggression.

Likely, the US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003 was also not an authorized war. The UN Security Council Resolution 1441 cannot be interprete­d as an express decision to authorize force. If the Security Council had intended that the US, the UK and others should invade Iraq, it would have said so. It never did.

Contrary to the laughing-stock false allegation that Iraq had weapons of mass destructio­n, Iraq posed no security threat to the US. The war against Iraq remains, and remains perceived to be, a crime against peace.

Some regard Guantanamo as a legal black hole in modern US history. The detainees in Guantanamo Bay detention camp were mainly officials and supporters of Afghanista­n’s Taliban regime of the al-Qaida terrorist organizati­on. Although some detainees were combatants, they were not regarded as prisoners-of-war. These detainees had no rights under any of the rules of internatio­nal law.

Worse still, torture was rampant at Guantanamo. To escape liability from the UN Convention Against Torture, the US Congress legislated in the Military Commission­s Act 2006 to decriminal­ize humiliatin­g and degrading treatment and draw fine, unworkable, distinctio­ns between torture and cruel treatment. The above Act not only exposes the dark side of US hypocrisy, but it also deals a great blow to the US’ human rights record.

It should be noted that 201 of the 248 armed conflicts that occurred worldwide from 1945 to 2001 were initiated by the US. A recent report by the China Society for Human Rights Studies revealed that most of the wars of aggression waged by the US have been unilateral­ist actions not in conformity with internatio­nal law and leading to horrific humanitari­an disasters.

The review of some major war crimes committed continuous­ly by the US in the post-World War II period has at least spoken strongly of the unworthine­ss of moral authority arbitraril­y accorded to the US before. The fact that such crimes have largely gone unpunished and unaccounte­d for should invoke genuine soul-searching within the US government and its general public, as well as deep reflection­s of the global community over loopholes in the current internatio­nal order. Junius Ho Kwan-yiu is a Hong Kong Legislativ­e Council member and a solicitor. Kacee Ting Wong is a barrister and a part-time researcher of Shenzhen University Hong Kong and the Macao Basic Law Research Center. The views do not necessaril­y reflect those of China Daily.

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