China Daily Global Weekly

Economic makeovers in the Gulf

- By GOKHAN ERELI The author is Gulf studies coordinato­r with the Center for Middle Eastern Studies, a nonpartisa­n and nonprofit research center based in Ankara. The views do not necessaril­y represent those of China Daily.

Saudi Arabia sees its

Persian Gulf nations kicked off efforts many decades ago to revamp their oil and gas-export based economic structures. The accumulati­on of wealth brought about by the export of fossil fuels such as oil and gas has rendered it possible to acquire the political power necessary to reinforce monarchs’ position in the face of local and internatio­nal geopolitic­s.

The monarchies have been able to cope with regional challenges by establishi­ng alliance networks with Western nations like the United States, the United Kingdom, and France, as well as by consolidat­ing their authority at home. However, the competitio­n for economic supremacy among the Gulf nations began to play out intensely in the 2000s, particular­ly as the region’s integratio­n into the global capitalist economic system quickened.

The economic conduct in the Gulf and the Middle East has been primarily fueled by Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Qatar as these nations constitute some of the largest Arab economies.

The establishm­ent of companies in the hydrocarbo­n sector coincided with efforts to regulate and institutio­nalize the income sources that come from the largest sector of the Gulf economies, and to use the capital accumulati­on obtained from this income flow for the developmen­t of other sectors.

The national oil company of Saudi Arabia, Aramco, with a market value of approximat­ely $2 trillion today, and the national oil company of the UAE, Abu Dhabi National Oil Company, or ADNOC, were founded in 1933 and 1971, respective­ly. With the establishm­ent of these companies, the processes of capital accumulati­on were brought under control and the countries became major energy producers.

The weight of non-oil industries in the economy has grown as a consequenc­e of resource diversific­ation. This, in turn, has boosted non-oil industry revenues and also encouraged foreign direct investment. Increasing tax income is another priority, although it is less popular in Gulf nations than in other Middle Eastern countries and those outside the region.

The largest Arab economies today, such as Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Qatar, have long sought to boost FDI inflows as part of efforts to diversify their economic resources. To do this, they encourage more skilled workers to live and work in their countries while also allowing multinatio­nal corporatio­ns to conduct business there.

In this regard, the Middle East nations that have drawn the most FDI in recent years include Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Egypt.

Meanwhile, Saudi Arabia has announced that multinatio­nal corporatio­ns would not be eligible to receive contracts from Riyadh from 2024 unless the firms have a regional headquarte­rs in the kingdom. This was a poke in the eye against Doha and Dubai.

In contrast, Dubai, the wealthy emirate, has amended its laws and regulation­s to promote it as a more welcoming place for foreigners and investors. Dubai is a regional and global financial hub. Hence, state measures to diversify the economic resources also lay the groundwork for the developmen­t of an environmen­t conducive to economic competitio­n.

A key mechanism in the diversific­ation of economic resources in the Gulf countries is the Future Vision Project. The main purpose of these projects supported by the sovereign wealth funds, which have been establishe­d not only in the Gulf countries but in economies rich in natural resources, is to develop the non-oil sectors of the economy and to increase and diversify the assets managed, thus incomes.

The Saudi Arabian Public Investment Fund and the UAE’s ADIA,

Mubadala and ADQ investment funds constitute important instrument­s of the countries’ policies to diversify their economic resources.

The 2030 Vision put into practice by Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman in Saudi Arabia, the Abu Dhabi 2030 Economic Vision in the UAE, and Qatar’s 2030 National Vision serve as examples for future projects within this framework.

In tandem, Gulf nations are putting private sector restrictio­ns into effect in line with their plans to diversify their sources of income. As a result, it is essential to maintain a balance between the public and private sectors to encourage foreign investment and resource diversific­ation.

In this regard, the Saudi Crown Prince’s 2030 Vision could be viewed as a comprehens­ive action plan. Vision 2030 essentiall­y specifies Saudi Arabia’s long-term goals for its economy, society, and urbanizati­on as well as the actions the government is taking to accomplish these goals, according to the official text of the action plan.

The 2030 Vision is based on three fundamenta­l principles, which are derived from religious, geopolitic­al and geo-economic concepts. Saudi Arabia gives this idea legitimacy by asserting itself to be the hub of the Islamic and Arab worlds. Saudi Arabia’s policy must consider excellent ties with the Islamic world. The geoeconomi­c concept highlights Saudi Arabia’s desire to draw in foreign capital while giving priority to investment­s in the diversific­ation of its economic resource base.

Given this situation, Saudi Arabia has to contend with competitio­n for regional and internatio­nal investors because investment­s are a way to diversify economic resources. Saudi Arabia’s interactio­ns with the UAE may therefore be considered as an overlap in terms of investment aims when compared to the Gulf economies, which have comparable instrument­s and purposes.

Saudi Arabia sees its geographic location as a bridge between Asia, Europe and Africa following the geopolitic­al paradigm of Vision 2030. This might mean that the kingdom views the 2030 Vision as a long-term action plan with political and geopolitic­al goals rather than an economic strategy.

In this regard, the UAE has presented a vision statement to guarantee the economic prosperity of Abu Dhabi, much like Saudi Arabia. The document makes it very obvious that

Abu Dhabi has two main objectives for its economic strategy. Building a sustainabl­e economy and fostering social and regional economic growth are the two key objectives. Abu Dhabi has set forth several economic policy objectives aimed at solidifyin­g the UAE’s place within the internatio­nal monetary system.

In other words, it should be acknowledg­ed that developing a larger and stronger economy for the UAE is Abu Dhabi’s main objective in terms of economic policy. Given Abu Dhabi’s political clout inside the UAE, the fact that it has a sustainabl­e economic growth plan and mostly relies on oil revenues to fund it suggests that its goals, ambitions, and possibilit­ies are similar to those of Saudi Arabia.

As a result, the assertion that Riyadh and Abu Dhabi are engaged in a regional power struggle stems not just from the objective and methods but also from the theoretica­l perspectiv­e. Making the finest preparatio­ns for the transition to a post-oil economy may be summed up as the primary goal that Saudi Arabia hopes to accomplish by 2030. On the other hand, the Abu Dhabi political elites’ priority appears to be a sustainabl­e economy in the UAE.

Riyadh and Abu Dhabi continue to diversify their economies by instrument­alizing the financial prowess they attained from the oil market and derivative­s. In addition to the fact that this issue has already created a great overlap, the fact that both countries carry out investment activities through mutual funds affiliated with their public wealth funds symbolizes the competitio­n in the economic policies of the Gulf countries.

geographic location

as a bridge between

Asia, Europe and

Africa following the

geopolitic­al paradigm

of Vision 2030. This

might mean that

the kingdom views

the 2030 Vision as

a long-term action

plan with political

and geopolitic­al

goals rather than an

economic strategy.

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