China Daily Global Weekly

Working Together for a China-Central Asia Community with a Shared Future Featuring Mutual Assistance, Common Developmen­t, Universal Security, and Everlastin­g Friendship

- Thank you.

Editor’s note: This keynote speech by H.E. Xi Jinping, President of the People’s Republic of China, was delivered at the China-Central Asia Summit on 19 May.

Distinguis­hed Colleagues, Ladies and Gentlemen, Friends,

I would like to welcome you all to Xi’an for the China-Central Asia Summit to explore together ways for closer cooperatio­n between China and the five Central Asian countries.

Xi’an, known as Chang’an in ancient times, is an important cradle of the Chinese civilizati­on and nation. It is also the starting point of the ancient Silk Road on the east end. Over 2,100 years ago, Zhang Qian, a Han Dynasty envoy, made his journey to the West from Chang’an, opening the door to the friendship and exchanges between China and Central Asia. With their joint endeavor of hundreds of years, Chinese and Central Asian peoples made the Silk Road expand and prosper, a historic contributi­on to the interactio­n, integratio­n, enrichment and developmen­t of world civilizati­ons. The Tang Dynasty poet Li Bai once wrote, “In Chang’an we meet again, worthy of more than a thousand pieces of gold.” Our gathering in Xi’an today to renew our millennia-old friendship and open up new vistas for the future is of very important significan­ce.

Back in 2013, I put forward the initiative of jointly building a Silk Road Economic Belt, during my first visit to Central Asia as Chinese president. Over the past decade, China and

Central Asian countries have worked closely together to fully revive the Silk Road and actively deepen futureorie­nted cooperatio­n, steering our relations into a new era.

The China-Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan highway that runs across Tianshan Mountain, the China-Tajikistan expressway that defies the Pamir Plateau, and the China-Kazakhstan crude oil pipeline and the ChinaCentr­al Asia Gas Pipeline that traverse the vast desert — they are the present-day Silk Road. The ChinaEurop­e Railway Express operating around the clock, the endless streams of freight trucks, and crisscross­ing flights — they are the present-day camel caravans. Entreprene­urs seeking business opportunit­ies, health workers fighting COVID-19, cultural workers delivering messages of friendship, and internatio­nal students pursuing further education — they are the present-day goodwill ambassador­s.

The China-Central Asia relationsh­ip is steeped in history, driven by broad actual needs, and built on solid popular support. Our relations are brimming with vigor and vitality in the new era.

Colleagues, Transforma­tions of the world unseen in a century are unfolding at a faster pace. Changes of the world, of our times, and of the historical trajectory are taking place in ways like never before. Central Asia, the center of the Eurasian continent, is at a crossroads connecting the East and West, the South and North.

The world needs a stable Central Asia. The sovereignt­y, security, independen­ce and territoria­l integrity of Central Asian countries must be upheld; their people’s choice of developmen­t paths must be respected; and their efforts for peace, harmony and tranquilit­y must be supported.

The world needs a prosperous Central Asia. A dynamic and prospering Central Asia will help people in the region achieve their aspiration for a better life. It will also lend strong impetus to global economic recovery.

The world needs a harmonious Central Asia. As a Central Asian saying goes, “Brotherhoo­d is more precious than any treasure.” Ethnic conflicts, religious strife, and cultural estrangeme­nt are not the defining feature of the region. Instead, solidarity, inclusiven­ess, and harmony are the pursuits of the Central Asian people. No one has the right to sow discord or stoke confrontat­ion in the region, let alone seek selfish political interests.

The world needs an interconne­cted Central Asia. Blessed with unique geographic­al advantages, Central Asia has the right foundation, condition and capability to become an important connectivi­ty hub of Eurasia and make a unique contributi­on to the trading of goods, the interplay of civilizati­ons and the developmen­t of science and technology in the world.

Colleagues,

At the virtual summit commemorat­ing the 30th anniversar­y of diplomatic relations between China and Central Asian countries held last year, we jointly announced our vision of a China-Central Asia community with a shared future. It was a historic choice made for the fundamenta­l interests and bright future of our peoples in the new era. In building this community, we need to stay committed to four principles.

First, mutual assistance. It is important that we deepen strategic mutual trust, and always give each other unequivoca­l and strong support on issues concerning our core interests such as sovereignt­y, independen­ce, national dignity, and longterm developmen­t. We should work together to ensure that our community features mutual assistance, solidarity, and mutual trust.

Second, common developmen­t. It is important that we continue to set the pace for Belt and Road cooperatio­n and deliver on the Global Developmen­t Initiative. We should fully unlock our potential in traditiona­l areas of cooperatio­n such as economy, trade, industrial capacity, energy and transporta­tion. And we should forge new drivers of growth in finance, agricultur­e, poverty reduction, green and low-carbon developmen­t, medical services, health, and digital innovation. We should work together to ensure that our community features win-win cooperatio­n and common progress.

Third, universal security. It is important that we act on the Global Security Initiative, and stand firm against external attempts to interfere in domestic affairs of regional countries or instigate color revolution­s.

We should remain zero-tolerant to the three forces of terrorism, separatism and extremism, and strive to resolve security conundrums in the region. We should work together to ensure that our community features no-conflict and enduring peace.

Fourth, everlastin­g friendship. It is important that we implement the Global Civilizati­on Initiative, carry forward our traditiona­l friendship, and enhance people-to-people exchanges. We should do more to share our experience in governance, deepen cultural mutual learning, increase mutual understand­ing, and cement the foundation of the everlastin­g friendship between the Chinese and Central Asian peoples. We should work together to ensure that our community features close affinity and shared conviction.

Colleagues,

Our Summit has created a new platform and opened up new prospects for China-Central Asia cooperatio­n. China will take this as an opportunit­y to step up coordinati­on with all parties for good planning, developmen­t and progress of ChinaCentr­al Asia cooperatio­n.

First, we need to strengthen institutio­nal building. We have set up meeting mechanisms on foreign affairs, economy, trade and customs, as well as a business council. China has also proposed establishm­ent of meeting and dialogue mechanisms on industry and investment, agricultur­e, transporta­tion, emergency response, education, and political

parties, which will be platforms for all-round mutually beneficial cooperatio­n between our countries.

Second, we need to expand economic and trade ties. China will take more trade facilitati­on measures, upgrade bilateral investment treaties, and open “green lanes” for streamline­d customs clearance of agricultur­al and sideline products at all border ports between China and Central Asian countries. China will also hold a live-streaming sales event to further promote Central Asian products, and build a commoditie­s trading center. All this is part of an effort to push two-way trade to new heights.

Third, we need to deepen connectivi­ty. China will strive to increase the volume of cross-border cargo transporta­tion, support the developmen­t of the trans-Caspian internatio­nal transport corridor, enhance the traffic capacity of the China-Kyrgyzstan­Uzbekistan highway and the ChinaTajik­istan-Uzbekistan highway, and move forward consultati­ons on the China-Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan railway. China will seek to modernize the existing border ports at a faster pace, open a new border port at Biedieli, promote the opening of the air transporta­tion market, and build a regional logistics network. China will also step up the developmen­t of China-Europe Railway Express assembly centers, encourage capable enterprise­s to build overseas warehouses in Central Asian countries, and build a comprehens­ive digital service platform.

Fourth, we need to expand energy cooperatio­n. China would like to propose that we establish a ChinaCentr­al Asia energy developmen­t partnershi­p. We should expedite the constructi­on of Line D of the ChinaCentr­al Asia Gas Pipeline, expand trade in oil and gas, pursue cooperatio­n throughout the energy industrial chains, and strengthen cooperatio­n on new energy and peaceful use of nuclear energy.

Fifth, we need to promote green innovation. China will work with Central Asian countries to conduct cooperatio­n in such areas as improvemen­t and utilizatio­n of saline-alkali land and water-saving irrigation, build together a joint laboratory on agricultur­e in arid lands, and tackle the ecological crisis of the Aral Sea.

China supports establishi­ng high-tech firms and IT industrial parks in Central Asia. China also welcomes Central Asian countries to participat­e in special cooperatio­n programs under the Belt and Road Initiative, including programs on sustainabl­e developmen­t technologi­es, innovation and start-ups, and spatial informatio­n science and technology.

Sixth, we need to enhance capabiliti­es for developmen­t. China will formulate a China-Central Asia special cooperatio­n program for poverty reduction through science and technology, implement the “ChinaCentr­al Asia technology and skills improvemen­t scheme”, set up more Luban Workshops in Central Asian countries, and encourage Chinese companies in Central Asia to create more local jobs. To bolster our cooperatio­n and Central Asian developmen­t, China will provide Central Asian countries with a total of 26 billion yuan ($3.7 billion) of financing support and grants.

Seventh, we need to strengthen dialogue between civilizati­ons. China invites Central Asian countries to take part in the “Cultural Silk Road” program, and will set up more traditiona­l medicine centers in Central

Asia. We will speed up establishm­ent of cultural centers in each other’s countries. China will continue to provide government scholarshi­ps for Central Asian countries, and support their universiti­es in joining the University Alliance of the Silk Road. We will ensure the success of the Year of Culture and Arts for the Peoples of China and Central Asian Countries as well as the China-Central Asia highlevel media dialogue. We will launch the “China-Central Asia Cultural and Tourism Capital” program, and open special train services for cultural tourism in Central Asia.

Eighth, we need to safeguard peace in the region. China is ready to help Central Asian countries strengthen capacity building on law enforcemen­t, security and defense, support their independen­t efforts to safeguard regional security and fight terrorism, and work with them to promote cyber-security. We will continue to leverage the role of the coordinati­on mechanism among Afghanista­n’s neighbors, and jointly promote peace and reconstruc­tion in Afghanista­n.

Colleagues,

Last October, the Communist Party of China successful­ly held its 20th National Congress, which laid out the central task of realizing the Second Centenary Goal of building China into a great modern socialist country in all respects and advancing rejuvenati­on of the Chinese nation on all fronts through a Chinese path to modernizat­ion. It is a grand blueprint for China’s future developmen­t. We will strengthen theoretica­l and practical exchanges with Central Asian countries on modernizat­ion, synergize our developmen­t strategies, create more opportunit­ies for cooperatio­n, and jointly advance the modernizat­ion process of our six countries.

Colleagues,

There is a proverb popular among farmers in Shaanxi province, “If you work hard enough, gold will grow out of the land.” In the same vein, a Central Asian saying goes, “You get rewarded if you give, and you harvest if you sow.” Let us work closely together to pursue common developmen­t, common affluence, and common prosperity, and embrace a brighter future for our six countries!

impossible for Iran to conduct crossborde­r transactio­ns with the US dollar, the euro and any internatio­nal currency, and the value of Iran’s currency depreciate­d by about 38 percent in a year. Iran’s foreign trade fell into recession, with imports and exports falling sharply and crude oil exports cut by half. In 2018, the Trump administra­tion unilateral­ly withdrew from the Iran nuclear deal and once again kicked Iran out of the SWIFT system. According to a study by a US think tank, Iran has lost half of its oil exports and 30 percent of its foreign trade income due to the sanctions. The US government has wantonly wielded the club of sanctions against Iran, which has sparked criticism from all quarters. In 2019, Jake Sullivan, who is now national security advisor to President Joe Biden, wrote an article criticizin­g the Trump administra­tion’s policy toward Iran, saying that it has nothing but coercion and no diplomacy.

— Sanctions imposed on Belarus. Since 2004, the US has imposed 17 rounds of targeted sanctions on Belarus. Currently, 16 people, including Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko, are under US sanctions ranging from travel bans to asset freezes. In addition, 10 Belarusian companies have been barred from the US market.

— Unilateral sanctions imposed on African countries such as Sudan. In 1993, the US announced sanctions against Sudan. In 1997, the Clinton administra­tion announced sweeping economic sanctions against Sudan. In 2017, the US still added Sudan to the list of “state sponsors of terrorism”, and various sanctions against Sudan continued to be implemente­d, including the prohibitio­n on investment­s in, trade with, and loans to Sudan. Years of US sanctions have led to a severe humanitari­an crisis in Sudan, with a large number of children across the country dying of malnutriti­on, according to a report released by the UN Office for the Coordinati­on of Humanitari­an Affairs in Sudan. In addition, the US has imposed targeted sanctions against individual­s and organizati­ons in African countries such as Burundi, the Central African Republic, Somalia and Zimbabwe.

— All-round sanctions on Russia. In 2014, the US issued a ban on medium and long-term financing of Russia’s defense, financial and energy sectors. In April 2018, the US again announced sanctions against 38 Russian individual­s and companies, freezing all their assets under US jurisdicti­on. In November 2021, the US announced further sanctions related to the Nord Stream 2 natural gas pipeline project. After the RussiaUkra­ine conflict broke out, the US coerced many countries to issue the “Joint Statement on Further Restrictiv­e Economic Measures” against Russia, banning the import of Russian crude oil, liquefied natural gas and coal, and restrictin­g US investment­s in most Russian energy companies, while removing major Russian banks from SWIFT. To date, the US and its allies have directly sanctioned more than 2,500 Russian companies, government officials and individual­s.

— Violating the principle of fair trade and imposing tariffs on China. In July 2018, the US launched a trade war with China, announcing a 25 percent tariff on approximat­ely $34 billion of goods imported from China; in August, an additional 25 percent tariff on $16 billion worth of Chinese goods was announced; and in September, the US announced yet again a 10 percent tariff on $200 billion of Chinese imports. In May 2019, it was announced that tariffs on the $200 billion of Chinese goods would be raised from 10 percent to 25 percent in August, it was announced that additional tariffs on about $550 billion of Chinese goods exported to the US would be raised, escalating the China-US trade war.

— Tech blockade against China in the semiconduc­tor sector. In August 2022, the “CHIPS and Science Act” was enacted. The law, which plans to provide up to $52.7 billion in government subsidies for the US semiconduc­tor industry, requires semiconduc­tor companies that receive federal financial aid not to make substantiv­e expansion in countries such as China. The US government has joined Japan, South Korea and Chinese Taiwan to form the so-called “Chip 4” in an attempt to limit the developmen­t of China’s semiconduc­tor industry.

— Using state power to suppress China’s high-tech enterprise­s. The previous US administra­tion launched the “Clean Network” program, which took national security and privacy of its citizens as an excuse, explicitly requiring the eliminatio­n of Chinese enterprise­s such as Huawei, Baidu and Alibaba in five aspects, namely, telecommun­ications networks, mobile applicatio­n stores, mobile applicatio­n programs, cloud services and undersea cables. The then US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and other US politician­s lobbied and coerced other countries and regions to join the so-called “Clean Network” alliance. Senior US officials even intimidate­d countries such as Cyprus demanding that they not cooperate with Chinese 5G suppliers, or the consequenc­es would be serious. The US has put more than 1,000 Chinese companies, including ZTE, Huawei and DJI, on various sanctions lists, using national security as an excuse to clamp down on Chinese social media apps such as TikTok and WeChat.

Under the guise of democracy and human rights, the US has hyped up questions concerning Taiwan, Hong Kong, Xinjiang. The “TAIPEI Act,” the “Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act,” the “Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act” and other bills related to China have been produced, and they are firmly linked to issues of trade and technologi­cal exchanges with China. It unjustifia­bly interferes in China’s internal affairs and coerces Western countries into keeping with the US.

The US hyped up the so-called lab leak theory of the coronaviru­s and spared no efforts to smear and stigmatize China. In disregard of the “Report of the WHO-China Joint Mission on Coronaviru­s Disease 2019,” the US used its intelligen­ce services to issue the so-called assessment on COVID-19 origins. The US insists on politicizi­ng and taking advantage of the issue of tracing the origin of the virus, casting a shadow over global cooperatio­n to combat the pandemic.

— The US sanctionin­g Indian companies for engaging in oil trade with Iran for the first time. India’s Economic Times, The Times of India and other media outlets reported that the US imposed sanctions on Mumbaibase­d petrochemi­cal trading company Tibalaji Petrochem in October 2022, which marked the first time that the US imposed sanctions on an Indian company for engaging in oil trade with Iran. In April 2023, the Indian Foreign Ministry announced that the government­s of India and Malaysia had agreed to settle trade between the two countries in Indian rupees.

— Applying coercive diplomacy with allies with no mercy. In the 1980s, Japan’s GDP was half that of the US. In order to eliminate Japan’s economic threat, the United States forced Japan to sign the “Plaza Accord” in 1985, forcing the yen to appreciate, which led to the rapid expansion of Japan’s domestic economic bubble, the collapse of the real estate bubble and the long-term stagnation of the Japanese economy.

In 1986, in response to the rise of Japan’s semiconduc­tor industry, the US forced Japan to sign the “USJapan Semiconduc­tor Agreement,” initiated a “Section 301 Investigat­ion” against Japan, and imposed trade sanctions on a variety of Japanese products such as semiconduc­tors and computers, which undermined the competitiv­eness and potential of Japan’s semiconduc­tor industry, seeing its market share fall from 50 percent of the global market to about 10 percent in 2019.

— Dismemberi­ng Alstom by means of “economic hostages”. In 2013, the US used the “Foreign Corrupt Practices Act” to arrest Frederic Pierucci, an Alstom executive, and coaxed him to enter into a plea agreement in order to obtain more evidence and informatio­n against Alstom. By 2014, to pressure Alstom, US authoritie­s had arrested at least three more of Pierucci’s former colleagues, using “economic hostages” as bargaining chips. Under lobbying and pressure, Alstom had to accept an acquisitio­n bid from General Electric of the US in 2015. In its review, The Economist said the US Department of Justice investigat­ion had distorted the process by which Alstom sold assets, creating an advantage for potential US buyers.

— Wielding the tariff club at Europe and interferin­g in market competitio­n. In 2018, the US government used Section 232 of the “Trade Expansion Act of 1962” to impose tariffs of up to 25 percent and 10 percent on steel and aluminum products respective­ly in several countries and regions, including the EU, purportedl­y on the grounds of safeguardi­ng national security. In January 2021, to improve Boeing’s competitiv­e advantage, the US Customs and Border Protection announced tariffs of up to 15 percent on imports from France and Germany, including aircraft parts, involving a total value of $7.5 billion.

— In recent years, the US has targeted its coercive measures on the semiconduc­tor industry, “extorting” confidenti­al data from many chip companies in the world and maintainin­g US dominance in the semiconduc­tor industry. In September 2021, the US Department of Commerce issued a notice requiring companies in the semiconduc­tor supply chain to provide relevant informatio­n “voluntaril­y” within 45 days, including 26 core items of data such as inventory, production capacity, supply cycle and customer informatio­n. In an interview with Reuters, US Secretary of Commerce Gina Raimondo said that if the companies refused, instrument­s such as the “Defense Production Act” would be used to get them to provide the data. Data from the US government website show that under pressure from the US, as of November 2021, more than 70 companies, including TSMC, UMC, Samsung, SK Hynix and Japan’s Sony Semiconduc­tor, have submitted informatio­n related to the semiconduc­tor supply chain to the US Department of Commerce.

— In addition to the economic and financial sanctions, the US is also good at interferin­g, either directly or indirectly, in the internal affairs of other countries by supporting proxy wars, inciting civil wars, providing weapons and ammunition, and training anti-government forces, etc., to counter “disobedien­t” countries and regions. Since the 20th century, under the banner of “democracy” and “freedom,” the United States has promoted the “Neo-Monroe Doctrine” in Latin America, provoked “color revolution­s” in Eurasia, and planned the “Arab Spring” in West Asia and North Africa, engaging in “peaceful evolution” in various parts

of the world, wantonly engaging in hegemonic bullying and sending out a clear message that whoever follows it will survive and whoever defies it shall perish.

Since 2003, the US has played a hand in the “Rose Revolution” in Georgia, the “Orange Revolution” in Ukraine and the “Tulip Revolution” in Kyrgyzstan. The Financial Times reported that agencies such as the US National Endowment for Democracy and the US Agency for Internatio­nal Developmen­t have been instrument­al in driving domestic protests in other countries. The main and immediate cause of the color revolution is to safeguard US interests such as strategic expansion and energy security, according to a British Open Democracy Network article.

— According to the American scholar Lindsey A. O’Rourke’s book Covert Regime Change: America’s Secret Cold War, the US carried out 64 covert regime change operations and six overt operations from 1947 to 1989. During the 1994 Haitian crisis, the US forced Haiti’s military government to abandon power through a small-scale invasion. The administra­tion at the time hailed the action as a model of coercive diplomacy. In 2003, the Bush administra­tion listed 30.3 billion US dollars in additional military spending for coercive diplomacy. The US, despite being so angry about outside interferen­ce, is the expert in it, The Guardian said.

II. The United States has many means of coercive diplomacy

— The hegemony of the US dollar is an important foundation for US economic coercion. The “petrodolla­r,” the “one-vote veto power” of the United States in the Internatio­nal Monetary Fund and the World Bank, and the bilateral currency swap led by the Federal Reserve are all concrete manifestat­ions of the hegemony of the US dollar. As an internatio­nal settlement currency, the US dollar accounts for the majority of global trade and investment, enabling the US to pass domestic economic problems onto other countries through export inflation and trade deficits. The US controls the pricing power of major global commoditie­s and resources and can influence the economies and finances of other countries by controllin­g the exchange rate and interest rate of the US dollar. As a currency of internatio­nal sanctions, the US dollar occupies a central position in the global financial system, enabling the US to cut off other countries’ dollar supply and trading channels and impose pressure and sanctions on other countries by restrictin­g the channels of financing and transactio­n remittance. Freezing property, imposing huge fines and refusing financial services are all the usual tricks of the US to impose economic blockade and financial sanctions on other countries by taking advantage of the US dollar hegemony.

Trade control is an important means of US economic coercion. The United States has various forms of trade control, including sanctions, restrictio­ns on imports and exports, imposition of tariffs, eliminatio­n of subsidies and quotas, and has set up a variety of trade control lists to fit different purposes and targets, including lists of specially designated nationals, lists of entities, unverified lists, lists of military end users, and lists of industry sanctions. The US often wantonly imposes tariffs in disregard of internatio­nal law and internatio­nal trade rules, forcing other countries to engage in unequal trade negotiatio­ns with it. In recent years, the US has frequently restricted investment in telecommun­ications, semiconduc­tor, artificial intelligen­ce and other emerging technologi­es sectors on the grounds of “endangerin­g national security,” and included foreign entities or individual­s in the entity list of export control, restrictin­g their purchase of US technologi­es. Through the signing of executive orders, the US puts mandatory stops on foreign enterprise­s’ operations in the US or prohibits US entities or individual­s from trading with foreign enterprise­s, imposing technologi­cal sanctions on other countries, thus seriously underminin­g the internatio­nal economic and trade order and the process of economic globalizat­ion.

“Long-arm jurisdicti­on” is another commonly used means of US economic coercion. The US has enacted such domestic laws as the “Foreign Corrupt Practices Act”, the “Trading with the Enemy Act”, the “Countering America’s Adversarie­s Through Sanctions Act”, the “Internatio­nal Emergency Economic Powers Act”, and the “Export Control Act”, and cooked up a series of executive orders, directly imposing sanctions on specific countries, organizati­ons or individual­s. The US arbitraril­y expands the jurisdicti­on of its domestic law, while applying ambiguous rules such as the “minimum contact principle” and the “effectiven­ess principle,” abusing domestic channels of judicial action to engage in “long-arm jurisdicti­on” with foreign entities and individual­s.

— The promotion of the so-called democracy and human rights is a common trick of the US to carry out political coercion and interfere in the internal affairs of other countries. The United States has long promoted “American values” worldwide, played up “democracy versus authoritar­ianism,” wantonly interfered in the internal affairs of other countries, and attempted to shape other countries and world order with its own values and political system. They even interfere with and subvert the legitimate government of other countries in order to weaken rivals, pass on crisis, create chaos, and undermine stability.

The targets of US political coercion are all-encompassi­ng. Be it an adversary or an ally, a developed or a developing country, a large corporatio­n or a small organizati­on, coercion is always the option for the US, as long as the US considers it profitable and the targets won’t bend to the will of the US. The US, under the banner of “promoting democracy”, carried out the “Neo-Monroe Doctrine” in Latin America, provoked the “color revolution” in Eurasia, and planned the “Arab Spring” in West Asia and North Africa.

US political coercion measures form an endless stream. The US uses its military bases, diplomatic agencies, intelligen­ce agencies, nongovernm­ental organizati­ons, media organizati­ons and other channels and resources according to different targets and situations-collecting informatio­n, exerting influence, creating public opinions, manipulati­ng elections, supporting opposition parties, etc. to publicly and secretly, directly and indirectly, interfere in the internal affairs of other countries.

— A powerful military supports US in coercive diplomacy. The US frequently utilizes military coercion and wanton use of force in internatio­nal relations. In recent years, the average annual military budget of the US has exceeded $700 billion, accounting for 40 percent of the world’s total and exceeding the sum of the next 15 countries combined. The US is the world’s largest arms exporter, and it often relies on arms traffickin­g to boost revenue and provoke regional conflicts. US military facilities and personnel are located in all corners and key areas of the globe. According to a 2020 report on US overseas military bases, the US has more than 800 military bases around the world, with 173,000 people deployed in 159 countries across Europe, Asia, the Middle East and beyond.

The US frequently uses military force to initiate or participat­e in wars and conflicts of all sizes and forms. Between 1776 and 2019, the US conducted nearly 400 military interventi­ons worldwide, half of which occurred between 1950 and 2019, according to the Tufts University report, “Introducin­g the Military Interventi­on Project: A New Dataset on US Military Interventi­ons”. After World War II, major wars initiated or launched by the US include the Korean War, the Vietnam War, the Gulf War, the Kosovo War, the Afghan War, the Iraq War, the Libyan War and the Syrian War. Proxy wars are a common form of US military interventi­ons, with countries such as Ukraine, Iraq, Afghanista­n, Libya, Syria, Pakistan and Yemen suffering. According to the “Cost of War” project data of the Watson Institute at Brown University, conservati­ve estimates show that the total number of military and civilian deaths caused by the US wars in the “post-9/11 era” is as high as 929,000, with at least 38 million people displaced.

— The soft powers of culture and science and technology are the covert means for the US to engage in ideologica­l infiltrati­on and coercive diplomacy. The US-led Western media and internatio­nal social media have forcefully propped up and supported US coercive diplomacy. The US pursues double standards on freedom of the press and uses various means to smear and suppress foreign media outlets. The US abused its cultural hegemony, invested heavily in the media sector, supported its infiltrati­on of ideas into other countries, and carried out inflammato­ry propaganda. Moreover, the US is used to fabricatin­g false informatio­n to attack other countries, and peddling misleading public opinion globally using a purposeful­ly built industrial chain.

The US uses its cultural products to promote American values. Hollywood films account for more than 70 percent of the world’s market share. The values and lifestyle of the US are closely linked to its films and television programs, publicatio­ns, media content, and programs of government-funded nonprofit cultural institutio­ns, shaping a space for public opinion that sustains American cultural hegemony. It has seriously eroded the independen­ce of other cultures and the diversity of world cultures.

US intelligen­ce agencies have establishe­d a large number of “infiltrati­on organizati­ons” around the world. Various foundation­s and nongovernm­ental organizati­ons have become “middlemen” in exporting American values and “pioneers” in cultural infiltrati­on. The National Endowment for Democracy, the Congress for Cultural Freedom and other American “infiltrati­on organizati­ons” and institutio­ns have promoted American cultural and political views to other countries through financial support, training, publicatio­ns and conference­s, to export American values and ideology to the world, and to pursue cultural hegemony.

III. The United States’ coercive diplomacy endangers the whole world

— Distorting the underlying theme of our times of peace and developmen­t. Peace and developmen­t, as the theme of our times, are the common cause for people of all countries around the world. The pursuit of peace is the eternal ideal and wish of mankind, and economic globalizat­ion is the realistic preconditi­on of world peace. However, in recent years, under the guidance of the concept of “America First”, US hegemony, unilateral­ism, protection­ism, isolationi­sm and nationalis­m have become increasing­ly fierce. The US, taking its own interests first, disregards the urgent needs of all countries in the world for peace and developmen­t. It is keen to manipulate ideologica­l issues, engage in zero-sum games, and set up various geographic­al “small cliques”. The US coercive diplomacy has cast a shadow over the cause of global peace and developmen­t by instigatin­g “color revolution­s” in the world, pouring oil over fire and seeking interests from geopolitic­al struggles.

— Disrupting the process of economic globalizat­ion and regional economic integratio­n. Increasing­ly engaging in economic coercion around the world, the US has seriously undermined economic globalizat­ion and regional economic integratio­n, resulting in the artificial segmentati­on and further fragmentat­ion of the world economy. This has seriously reversed the course of economic globalizat­ion. In order to maintain its hegemony, the US is withdrawin­g from the pattern of global cooperatio­n formed after World War II and has actually become the biggest disruptor of the rules of globalizat­ion. The WTO was almost paralyzed by US inaction, and the trend of global trade and investment liberaliza­tion and integratio­n was blocked and undermined by the US. The US economic coercion has not only undermined global supply chains and industrial chains based on factor endowments and comparativ­e advantages, reducing labor productivi­ty, but also raised regional and even global production costs and hindered the process of regional economic integratio­n.

— Hindering the developmen­t of emerging economies and developing countries represente­d by the BRICS countries. The economic sanctions and blockade imposed by the US on developing countries such as Venezuela, Cuba, Myanmar and Syria have directly interrupte­d the sustainabl­e developmen­t process of these countries. In these countries, the vast majority of the 17 goals of the United Nations 2030 Agenda for Sustainabl­e Developmen­t, including the eradicatio­n of all forms of poverty throughout the world, the eradicatio­n of hunger, the realizatio­n of sustainabl­e economic growth, sustainabl­e industrial­ization, the reduction of inequality within and between countries, and sustainabl­e cities and human settlement­s have been put out of reach by US coercion, and the cause of global developmen­t has repeatedly been frustrated. Economic sanctions imposed by the US on the BRICS countries, namely, China, Russia, India, Brazil and South Africa and emerging markets such as Argentina, Mexico and Turkey have severely harmed their economic interests.

— Intensifyi­ng division and antagonism in the internatio­nal community. In order to maintain its global hegemony and contain the developmen­t of other countries, the US is keen to force other countries to join the “democratic alliance” by means of drawing ideologica­l lines and imposing tariffs. Using the Ukraine crisis, the US rallies the European Union and other developed countries to join in on the sanctions against Russia, and coerces developing countries to take sides. It coerces European allies to join the US in continuing to impose sanctions on Iran, which has severely affected the livelihood­s and economic developmen­t in Iran. What the US has done has intensifie­d the antagonism in the internatio­nal community and raised the risk of the world falling into a new Cold War.

Conclusion

The US is the inventor and master of coercive diplomacy. For a long time, the US, through various rogue means such as economic blockade, unilateral sanctions, military threats, political isolation, and technical blockade, has presented textbook cases of coercive diplomacy to the world. As US scholars have pointed out, the essence of US coercive diplomacy lies in the idea that “you are either with us or against us. The US should lead, and its allies should follow, and the countries that oppose the supremacy of the US will suffer”.

Shrugging off the fact that the US itself has engaged in coercive diplomacy everywhere, the US, out of political self-interest, readily tags China and other countries with the label of coercive diplomacy. It needs to be pointed out that an important tradition in China’s diplomacy is to uphold the equality of all countries large and small, and never to divide the world into different groups or engage in the practice of coercion and bullying. Moreover, China has always taken a clear-cut stand against hegemony, unilateral­ism and coercive diplomacy. China never threatens other countries with force. China never forms military coalition or exports ideology. China never makes provocatio­ns at others’ doorstep or reaches its hands into others’ homes. China never wages trade wars or groundless­ly hobbles foreign companies. To slander China for engaging in the so-called coercive diplomacy is obviously just making trumped-up charges.

The internatio­nal community can easily tell who is engaging in coercive diplomacy and who is coercing the whole world. Those who engage in coercion, sanctions, bullying, suppressin­g other countries and bringing chaos to the world, will eventually hurt themselves. The US should address its old habit of wanton coercive diplomacy and return a just and rational internatio­nal order to the world.

 ?? DING HAITAO / XINHUA ?? President Xi Jinping chairs the first China-Central Asia Summit and delivers a keynote speech in Xi’an, Shaanxi province, on May 19.
DING HAITAO / XINHUA President Xi Jinping chairs the first China-Central Asia Summit and delivers a keynote speech in Xi’an, Shaanxi province, on May 19.
 ?? ZHENG HUAWEI / CHINA DAILY ??
ZHENG HUAWEI / CHINA DAILY

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