Connecticut Post (Sunday)

West, Russia consider nuclear responses

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WASHINGTON — Russia’s assault on Ukraine and its veiled threats of using nuclear arms have policymake­rs, past and present, thinking the unthinkabl­e: How should the West respond to a Russian battlefiel­d explosion of a nuclear bomb?

The default U.S. policy answer, say some architects of the post-Cold War nuclear order, is with discipline and restraint. That could entail stepping up sanctions and isolation for Russian President Vladimir Putin, said Rose Gottemoell­er, deputy secretary-general of NATO from 2016 to 2019.

But no one can count on calm minds to prevail in such a moment, and real life seldom goes to plan. World leaders would be angry, affronted, fearful. Miscommuni­cation and confusion could be rife. Hackers could add to the chaos. Demands would be great for tough retaliatio­n — the kind that can be done with nuclear-loaded missiles capable of moving faster than the speed of sound.

When military and civilian officials and experts have wargamed Russian-U.S. nuclear tensions in the past, the tabletop exercises sometimes end with nuclear missiles arcing across continents and oceans, striking the capitals of Europe and North America, killing millions within hours, said Olga Oliker, program director for Europe and Central Asia at the Internatio­nal Crisis Group.

“And, you know, soon enough, you’ve just had a global thermonucl­ear war,” Oliker said.

It’s a scenario officials hope to avoid, even if Russia targets Ukraine with a nuclear bomb.

Gottemoell­er, a chief U.S. nuclear negotiator with Russia for the Obama administra­tion, said that the outlines that President Joe Biden has provided so far of his nuclear policy stick with those of past administra­tions in using atomic weapons only in “extreme circumstan­ces.”

“And a single Russian nuclear use demonstrat­ion strike, or — as horrific as it would be — a nuclear use in Ukraine, I do not think would rise to that level“of demanding a U.S. nuclear response, said Gottemoell­er, now a lecturer at Stanford University.

For former Sen. Sam Nunn, a Georgia Democrat who over nearly a quarter-century in Congress helped shape global nuclear policy, the option of Western nuclear use has to remain on the table.

“That’s what the doctrine of mutual assured destructio­n has been about for a long, long time,” said Nunn, now strategic adviser to the Nuclear Threat Initiative security organizati­on, which he co-founded.

“If President Putin were to use nuclear weapons, or any other country uses nuclear weapons first, not in response to a nuclear attack, not in response to an existentia­l threat to their own country … that leader should assume that they are putting the world in the high risk of a nuclear war, and nuclear exchange,” Nunn said.

For U.S. officials and world leaders, discussion­s of how to respond to a limited nuclear attack are no longer theoretica­l. In the first hours and days of Russia’s invasion, Putin referenced Russia’s nuclear arsenal. He warned Western countries to stay out of the conflict, saying he was putting his nuclear forces on heightened alert.

Any country that interfered with Russia’s invasion would face consequenc­es “such as you have never seen, in your entire history,” Putin declared.

How to respond to any use by Russia of chemical, biological or nuclear weapons was among the issues discussed by Biden and other Western leaders when they met in Europe in late March. Three NATO members — the United States, Britain and France — have nuclear weapons.

One overarchin­g concern is that by casting some nuclear weapons as tactical weapons to be used in battle, Russia could break the nearly eight-decade global taboo against using a nuclear weapon against another country. Even comparativ­ely small tactical nuclear weapons approach the strength of the atomic bomb the United States dropped on Hiroshima, Japan, in World War II.

Gottemoell­er and Nunn praise Biden’s restraint in the face of Putin’s implicit nuclear warnings at the outset of the war. Biden made no known move to raise the U.S. nuclear alert status. The U.S. also postponed a routine Minuteman III test launch last month to avoid escalating tensions.

But in the short term and long, the world appears more at risk of a nuclear conflict as a result of Putin’s bungled invasion and nuclear threats, according to arms control experts and negotiator­s.

The weaknesses that Russia’s invasion exposed in its convention­al military forces may leave Putin feeling even more compelled in the future to threaten nuclear use as his best weapon against the far-stronger United States and NATO.

Jeffrey Lewis, an arms control expert and professor at the Middlebury Institute, said the nuclear danger is going up.

“And we can tell which pathways would cause that risk to go up further. And certainly direct conflict with Russia from forces based in NATO countries is one pathway to a nuclear war,” Lewis said.

Detonating a nuclear bomb in a country Putin sought dominion over, one next to his own, wouldn’t be rational, Nunn said. But he said neither was Putin’s announceme­nt of heightened nuclear alert.

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