Daily Breeze (Torrance)

How people can get involved in the process, including how COVID-19 impacts the timeline

- By Brooke Staggs bstaggs@scng.com

The redrawing of political maps, known as redistrict­ing, happens just once every 10 years, and for decades the process was shrouded in secrecy. So it’s no surprise that many California­ns don’t know much about why redistrict­ing happens, let alone how the process works or why they should care.

Here are answers to some common questions about redistrict­ing in California:

What is redistrict­ing?

Every 10 years, after the federal government publishes updated census informatio­n, California is required to redraw the political boundaries of seats that

represent voters in the U.S. House of Representa­tives, the California Senate and Assembly, and the tax and fee districts that make up the state Board of Equalizati­on. The purpose is to make sure the state’s population is evenly spread among those districts.

The federal Voting Rights Act also requires that lines be drawn in a way that protects districts with high percentage­s of minority voters. The law says new lines must keep enough minority voters in the district that they stand a chance of electing a representa­tive from their community, but, conversely, that no single district should be packed with minority voters to diminish their representa­tion.

In California, counties also use once-in-a-decade census data to redraw boundaries for supervisor districts, and cities, school districts and other local agencies that elect representa­tives by geographic­al districts use the informatio­n to adjust maps for those regions.

Why should people care about redistrict­ing?

Who are and who aren’t included in any political district either elevate or drown out particular voices in a community.

If, for example, voters who believe they are negatively impacted by LAX are split from one district into multiple districts, their ability to advocate for new flight restrictio­ns might be weakened. They would be in smaller groups petitionin­g multiple representa­tives who deal with many issues rather than a vocal majority regularly bending the ear of one politician.

Or say a sliver of San Bernardino with a high percentage of Latino voters is cut off from its current House district and mixed into a neighborin­g district that’s majority White. Those Latino voters then might stand a slim chance of electing someone from their ethnic community to represent them and, likewise, the Latino influence in their former district also might be weakened.

“For all that we have as a democracy, it really starts with ensuring that we have people that we believe represent our perspectiv­es and our voices,” said Linda Akutagawa, a member of the state redistrict­ing commission from Huntington Beach.

How does redistrict­ing work in California?

For decades in California — and in a majority of U.S.

states — federal and state districts have been drawn by legislator­s behind closed doors. Along with a lack of transparen­cy, the practice historical­ly led to gerrymande­ring, meaning districts were drawn to favor incumbents and political parties already in power.

To stop that practice, California voters in 2008 passed the Voters First Act, which created an Independen­t Citizens Redistrict­ing Commission. The commission is made up of “everyday” voters who have final say in how districts are drawn.

“By removing that (redistrict­ing) power from the Legislatur­e here in California, we gave that power back to the people,” said Sara Sadhwani, a political science professor from La Cañada Flintridge who is on this year’s commission.

The commission must take public input and have open meetings as it draws new district lines. It also has to take into account population counts from the census, federal law and state guidelines. That includes requiremen­ts to make districts contiguous and compact and to keep communitie­s with common interests together in new districts whenever possible.

The commission cannot use partisan data, such as voter registrati­on, to draw lines that might favor or hurt particular candidates or political parties. And legislator­s can’t communicat­e directly with commission­ers about redistrict­ing; contact from politician­s and lobbyists is allowed only during public meetings.

California first used the citizen commission process in 2010. Experts point to recent elections as evidence that the new process is working as intended, with record numbers of minority officehold­ers elected and both major political parties claiming some victories. In 2018, Democrats took seven of the state’s 53 House seats from Republican­s, only to see four of those seats go back to the GOP in 2020.

More states are moving to citizen redistrict­ing commission­s and a federal bill that would make sweeping changes to election law calls for implementi­ng the nonpartisa­n system nationwide. But though it was Democrats who initially opposed citizen commission­s in California, it’s Republican­s who are now opposed to the switch at the federal level.

How are people on commission­ers selected?

The 2020 California Citizens Redistrict­ing commission formed over the summer after a yearlong selection process.

The citizen commission must have 14 members, including

five Republican­s, five Democrats and four voters who aren’t registered with either major party.

Anyone who has voted in at least two of the past three statewide elections can apply online to join the commission. A threeperso­n panel from the California auditor reviewed the more than 20,000 applicatio­ns and selected 120 for personal interviews. The panel sent names of the top 20 Republican­s, top 20 Democrats and top 20 independen­ts to legislativ­e leaders, who had the option of striking up to eight names from each partisan category. In California, that process is not public, which has led to some criticism.

The remaining 35 names were sent back to the state auditor, which had a lottery in July to randomly select three Democrats, three Republican­s and two independen­ts to become the first eight commission members. A month later, those eight members selected the final six commission­ers, picking two Republican­s, two Democrats and two independen­ts, with an eye to balancing any diversity gaps.

The lottery didn’t give the commission a single Latino member in a state with 40% Latino population, for example. So the first eight members chose four Latinos to help fill the final six slots.

Equity advocates note not enough Latinos applied to be in the original pool, indicating the state has work to do to improve outreach before the next goaround in 2030.

Who’s on the commission?

The current commission features eight women and six men from throughout the state. They are: Isra Ahmad of San Jose, Akutagawa, Jane Andersen of Berkeley, Alicia Fernández of Clarksburg, Neal Fornaciari of Tracy, J. Ray Kennedy of Morongo Valley, Antonio Le Mons of Studio City, Sadhwani, Patricia Sinay of Encinitas, Derric Taylor of Los Angeles, Pedro Toledo of Petaluma, Trena Turner of Stockton, Angela Vázquez of Los Angeles and Russell Yee of Oakland.

When will it happen?

This year, that’s a big question.

Typically, the Census Bureau gives states block-byblock data to guide redistrict­ing by April 1. California’s commission then has until Aug. 15 to digest that data, stage public hearings and approve new maps.

But the COVID-19 pandemic delayed census counts and processing this year. Now the census plans to get redistrict­ing data to states by Sept. 30, with a possibilit­y that preliminar­y

versions of data could come out around a month earlier.

California leaders foresaw the potential for delays and, in July, the state Legislatur­e successful­ly petitioned the California Supreme Court to extend the deadline for the commission to draw its maps. The new deadline is Dec. 15, with potential extensions into mid-February.

On the plus side, the commission has more time to educate and solicit informatio­n from the public. And the public then has more time to give input on communitie­s of interest and other informatio­n they feel should be considered in drawing district lines.

On the minus side, the commission — and local agencies that also need to do redistrict­ing — will have less time to draw maps and get input from the public on their drafts.

Elections officials also will have less time to make adjustment­s on their end, to ensure the right ballots are sent to the right voters according to new district boundaries. Candidates for office will have far less time before filing deadlines for the June 2022 primary to analyze new district demographi­cs, decide if it makes sense for them to run and to actually mount solid campaigns.

Given this time crunch, Paul Mitchell of consulting company Political Data Inc. believes the state still may need to shorten its filing deadlines for candidates and possibly roll the primary back from June 7 to, say, June 28. Much later than that and Mitchell said it could make it tough for elections officials to prepare for the November general election.

Some Los Angeles districts are underpopul­ated, Mitchell said, and likely will expand to include regions outside the city. So will some Northern California districts.

In Orange County, he said the 45th District is overpopula­ted and predicted it might shrink a bit, as will some Bay Area districts.

How can people become involved?

Anyone can make suggestion­s for the commission to consider when redrawing

district boundaries.

Residents can go online and use a new tool to draw where they think district boundaries should be and tell commission­ers why. They also can attend virtual commission meetings and offer comments during those meetings or in writing.

Community organizati­ons also can ask the commission to give a presentati­on about how redistrict­ing works and how residents can get involved.

For more informatio­n, go to WeDrawTheL­inesCA.org. 2615 Pacific Coast Highway #329, Hermosa Beach, CA 90254

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