Daily Southtown

CITY AT A CROSSROADS

Johnson’s administra­tion enters new year as relentless migrant issues shade other achievemen­ts

- By Alice Yin

On Mayor Brandon Johnson’s first full day in office, he visited ground zero of the crisis that would come to define his next seven months.

Striding into the 12th District Chicago police station on the Near West Side in May, the new chief executive clasped his hands before his waist as he surveyed a lobby floor cluttered with sleeping bags and families of bleary-eyed migrants.

“How do you like Chicago so far?” Johnson asked a woman and boy, with political ally and local Ald. Byron Sigcho-Lopez, 25th, translatin­g in Spanish.

As an aide implored TV news crews to step back, the mayor continued: “As a city, we’re going to do everything we can to make this place, your opportunit­ies, more comfortabl­e.”

Now heading into a new year, many Chicagoans are judging the mayor’s performanc­e so far based on how they think he has handled that early promise of clearing out the police stations and humanely resettling asylum-seekers, many of whom arrive impoverish­ed from Venezuela.

The singular issue has threatened to eclipse Johnson’s broader agenda, though he points to recent City Council wins on labor requiremen­ts and more as evidence he’s living up to his leftist bona fides.

Johnson is the most progressiv­e mayor now leading a major American city, and his victory was seen as an electoral mandate for his prescripti­on of bold investment­s for the working class while leading with compassion.

But the desperatio­n of the migrant crisis that awaited him in May rose to unfathomab­le heights this fall, testing the limits of the mayor’s mantra that Chicago has “enough” for everyone as thousands of migrants slept on police station floors, at the city’s airports and on sidewalks.

Indeed, just last week Johnson’s team moved to free up $95 million in COVID-19 stimulus funds to cover the ongoing costs of housing and helping feed asylum-seekers. And the mayor has acknowledg­ed the $150 million allocated in the city budget for next year’s migrant services will surely fall short without help from the state and federal government­s.

In an interview, mayoral senior adviser Jason Lee acknowledg­ed the challenges but said the administra­tion has proved it can balance those dynamics while advancing “one of the more progressiv­e agendas in recent municipal history.”

Lee highlighte­d Johnson’s oft-stated goal to run the city in a collaborat­ive way that doesn’t push some groups ahead while leaving others behind.

“The mayor has a vision for transformi­ng the city and doing it in an inclusive way where someone winning doesn’t mean someone else losing, and that remains the goal,” Lee said. “I think we’ve been able to strike the right balance of some real impactful policy that doesn’t polarize.”

But Chicago is a notoriousl­y divided city, with a long history of ethnic groups asserting their own power at the expense of the clout wielded by others. And all the way from Texas, Republican Gov. Greg Abbott fanned the flames further when he sent the first bus of asylum-seekers to Chicago in August 2022 as a rebuke of liberal cities that support open borders.

Since then, more than 26,400 migrants have come to Chicago, with some critics upset the city hasn’t done more to accommodat­e them

and others angry at what they say is a policy that puts the new arrivals ahead of the need to address decades of disinvestm­ent in struggling neighborho­ods.

Aldermen and other political leaders who spoke with the Tribune largely split along ideologica­l lines over how they would assess the new administra­tion.

Johnson’s strongest allies said he is being judged unfairly due to the chasm between the political establishm­ent and the grassroots and labor coalition where Johnson rose up as a Chicago Teachers Union organizer. Others warned that Johnson isn’t prepared to handle the decisions Chicago’s mayor faces, and said the past seven months are a harbinger of more struggles.

Pressure on migrant response

Johnson has weathered criticism he lacks a robust plan on how to grapple with the logistics and exorbitant costs of the migrants, and that his administra­tion has not been transparen­t, as promised. And he has been publicly second-guessed by Gov. J.B. Pritzker and other officials, further underscori­ng perceived problems with the city’s approach.

But Lee said beliefs that the city has not formed a robust migrant response plan are based on “misconcept­ions” of “what is a plan” when it comes to a dynamic situation like Chicago’s.

The administra­tion has highlighte­d that the city’s shelter system swelled under Johnson to 27 citywide sites and that he “inherited” costly contracts from predecesso­r Lori Lightfoot but has since negotiated rates down. By mid-December, Johnson’s team also heralded that migrants weren’t sleeping at police stations anymore.

That feat came on the heels of the city’s botched proposal to house about 2,000 migrants at a tent encampment in Brighton Park, which rankled local Ald. Julia Ramirez, 12th, and others who complained the city was not communicat­ing with them and that the former industrial land could be contaminat­ed.

Those concerns came to a head when Johnson’s team announced the site was safe for temporary living, only for Pritzker to counter days later that his administra­tion found the city contractor’s environmen­tal assessment was heavily flawed and possibly missed harmful amounts of contaminan­ts. In a striking rebuke, Pritzker refused to use state money to pay for the encampment, effectivel­y shelving the idea.

The governor would shrug off the discord two days later, instead blaming reporters for trying to “stoke that conversati­on of difference­s.” Johnson, meanwhile, avoided holding a press availabili­ty until the next week.

Restrictin­g media access is a natural reaction when “everybody is underwater,” but it is hurting the mayor, veteran Chicago political strategist Delmarie Cobb said.

“The administra­tion needs to be more transparen­t. That is one of the hallmarks of being a progressiv­e,” Cobb said. “Then you get in there, you get hit with 50 things at once … and the things that you said you were going to do in terms of communicat­e, and transparen­cy and all of that, suddenly you’re so inundated, I believe, that people begin to retreat.”

Lee, however, described the Brighton Park situation as the result of “different perspectiv­es” with the state.

“We made every good faith effort to get that site ready to go. We followed a remediatio­n program that we still stand by,” Lee said. “We never made any claims about permanent residentia­l use, because that’s not what the site was ever intended for.”

Ald. Scott Waguespack, 32nd, said Johnson’s most egregious stumbles over the migrant response boil down to that lack of transparen­cy. He said the administra­tion has dodged questions on matters ranging from fiscal management, including city payments to Favorite Healthcare Staffing — a national employment firm hired to run migrant shelters — to concerns about a shelter in Waguespack’s North Side ward.

“It’s just getting to the point where people are feeling that they are holding themselves above accountabi­lity, and above transparen­cy, and this whole rhetoric of ‘for the people’ is just a one giant charade,” Waguespack said. “I have never seen so many missteps, mistakes and just this dishonest lack of transparen­cy.”

Building a Cabinet, and a story

The Johnson administra­tion has struggled with critical personnel hires, making it harder to run city government and put his policy goals into effect. Johnson didn’t hire a corporatio­n counsel, the city’s top lawyer, until after nearly a month in office. He didn’t choose a new leader for Intergover­nmental Affairs until late November — and relied on a Lightfoot holdover who was not part of his inner circle to hold the position working with aldermen and other officials to forward his agenda.

The mayor fired Allison Arwady as public health commission­er but did not replace her with a noninterim commission­er for months.

More than six months after Johnson took office, he does not have a communicat­ions director, which means the administra­tion often struggles to project or deliver a coherent message

about its plans. The lack of staffing has put an increased burden on the people Johnson relies on, and critics argue the administra­tion has too few key figures making decisions.

Eric Adelstein, a political strategist based in Chicago, said Johnson conveyed a clear message on the campaign trail. Adelstein is less sure what story Johnson wants to tell as mayor.

“The problem for many mayors is that perception becomes reality, and I think right now, whether it’s fair or unfair, the perception is that things are moving very slowly,” Adelstein said. “When you don’t articulate a compelling vision of the future of where you want to go, it creates a certain level of uncertaint­y.”

Kennedy Bartley, executive director of the United Working Families political organizati­on, which backed Johnson’s mayoral candidacy, said that expectatio­ns are higher for Johnson because he is not a “status quo” mayor.

Bartley noted that a decade after previous mayors closed city mental health clinics, Johnson’s recently passed $16.77 billion budget calls for adding two mental health clinic pilots, yet some people ask her if that’s enough.

“We’ve been fighting against them closing, and now we’re in a conversati­on about them opening, but the rubric is different,” Bartley said. “It’s a welcome challenge, but it is a challenge nonetheles­s.”

Bartley said she too has unfulfille­d demands not yet addressed, such as canceling the city’s contract with gunfire detection company ShotSpotte­r and divesting from the Chicago Police Department budget. But that requires organizers like her to fight to make the idea “more politicall­y possible” for Johnson, she said.

“What we used to judge administra­tions on, it was the status quo, to work to keep Realtors and cops happy,” Bartley said. “Now we have a mayor that we judge based on his stated values.”

Progressiv­e values

A chuckle tumbled out of CTU President Stacy Davis Gates as she remembered her view of the fifth floor of City Hall under Lightfoot. “Not only was I not invited, I was barred,” she said, referencin­g how security stopped her from getting off the elevator outside the mayor’s suite of offices during the 2019 teacher strike.

One election later, the scene couldn’t be more different. Following Johnson’s inaugurati­on, Davis Gates returned to the fifth floor, with an invite to the signing of his executive order establishi­ng a deputy mayor of labor relations. This time, security focused on guarding Johnson rather than hassling Davis Gates.

“What surrounded me were people who struggled to be heard over time for generation­s, smiling with the mayor of Chicago,” Davis Gates said about the room of labor organizers. “I remember the smiles. I remember the elation. The energy was unparallel­ed.”

Months later, Davis Gates points to the cascading wins from the City Council this fall: abolishing subminimum wage for service workers; establishi­ng one of the most expansive paid leave requiremen­ts in the nation; passing a referendum question asking voters whether to raise taxes on certain real estate sales to combat homelessne­ss; and putting a host of investment­s into addressing the “root causes” of violence in his budget.

“I ain’t seeing no losses,” Davis Gates said.

But another seasoned figure of the left, Ald. Jeanette Taylor, 20th, carries a far less rosy outlook, she revealed in a December episode of “The Ben Joravsky Show” podcast.

Taylor pointed to allegation­s by aldermen that Johnson’s now-former floor leader, Ald. Carlos RamirezRos­a, bullied and threatened them in an effort to block unfavorabl­e legislatio­n as evidence that progressiv­es aren’t prepared to lead.

The November incident, which led to the council deadlockin­g in a censure vote against Ramirez-Rosa and Johnson casting the tiebreaker to bail him out, suggests some progressiv­es have become more concerned with power than organizing.

“We cannot say that we are the movement people, we are the left, and we do the same exact thing that the right is doing,” Taylor said.

“We should not be on the fifth floor, and I’m speaking my whole heart,” Taylor said. “We were not ready, because we haven’t been in government long enough to know how government really runs. … And we look real stupid right now.”

Reached for comment, Ramirez-Rosa, 35th, did not react to Taylor’s remarks because, he said, “as a rule, I try to not engage in a backand-forth with people who are part of our progressiv­e movement in the media. I will say that I’ve always sought to push along a progressiv­e agenda. … I made mistakes. I have taken responsibi­lity for those mistakes.”

But for a truly democratic movement, Davis Gates said, infighting is how grassroots movements grow stronger.

“Progressiv­es disagree on everything, actually. That’s kind of a feature of our movement,” Davis Gates said. “Brothers and sisters and siblings, we fight all the time, and sometimes you see it in the front yard, right, and sometimes it’s at the kitchen table.”

New era of City Council

Johnson took office as the

City Council continues to change.

The body is more racially diverse and more liberal than during prior generation­s. But it also has more risk of becoming mired in disagreeme­nt than past rubber-stamp bodies. The council’s bloc of independen­t aldermen grew under Emanuel, and that trend accelerate­d during the Lightfoot years.

“Our ideologica­l divide is so wide … probably as widest that I’ve ever seen in my tenure and probably in the council’s history,” said veteran Ald. Jason Ervin, 28th, Johnson’s hand-picked Budget Committee chair. “We got everybody from almost Blue Dog Democrats to ultraprogr­essive, socialist, all under the same party banner. So I think that’s where the tension primarily comes from.”

Ald. Brian Hopkins, 2nd, agreed, saying that makeup “speaks to the legitimate difference­s of opinion regarding policy.”

“Nobody really has a solid 26-vote majority, so everything has to be sort of cobbled together, and you do see unlikely alliances that form around a single issue,” Hopkins said.

To that end, the mayor’s early olive branch extension of some leadership appointmen­ts to supporters of his runoff opponent, Paul Vallas, and subsequent efforts to forge relationsh­ips could pay off when a more painful piece of legislatio­n could use support outside his base.

But Johnson’s demeanor has not veered much from his first council meetings, either. He continues standing for the duration of the session and keeping a cool head in the face of flare-ups.

And his penchant for the occasional joke or line of flattery remains strong. After a recent council meeting adjourned, the mayor presented a CD of an apparent old rap mixtape produced by his vice mayor, Ald. Walter Burnett, 27th, as someone played the audio softly from the chamber speakers to tease him.

The mayor’s budget soared through in a 41-8 vote this fall. That easy win signals he can successful­ly reach across the aisle and build strong majorities for his major initiative­s. But it also reflects the fact the spending plan lacked any painful choices, for better or worse.

Closing a projected $538 million budget gap next year entailed Johnson taking a record sum from tax increment financing funds — a tactic previous mayors have used that has been controvers­ial because it is a one-time fix.

“They took the path of least resistance this year, but some of that will certainly come at the expense of next year, which is interestin­g,” Hopkins, who voted yes for the budget, said. “There’s only so many TIFs you can sweep with a broom, and that dries up too. So some of the one-off tricks that were used to balance this budget won’t be available.”

And there are rumbles of broader philosophi­cal concerns.

Brad Tietz, the Chicagolan­d Chamber of Commerce’s vice president for government relations and strategy, said the business community is miffed over how the regular cadence of weekly or biweekly calls from previous administra­tions has stopped. He also said the administra­tion does not appear to share a focus on the business community and for economic developmen­t that other mayors had.

“There’s something missing between the business community and the administra­tion,” Tietz said, adding that previous mayors struck a balance “between jobs and worker protection­s. What we’re seeing now is an administra­tion beholden to an activist and labor base.”

Johnson, for his part, has dealt with the naysayers with his same laid-back, if not idealistic, message from the start.

At a recent holiday party for supporters of the Democratic National Convention coming to Chicago, Johnson nodded to the concerns with a quip suggesting he plans to be the city’s longest-serving mayor.

 ?? EILEEN T. MESLAR/CHICAGO TRIBUNE ?? Ald. Carlos Ramirez Rosa, 35th, celebrates with Mayor Brandon Johnson and members of the Bring Chicago Home coalition during an Oct. 31 news conference after a Chicago City Council committee advanced an ordinance that would ask voters about raising the real estate transfer tax to combat homelessne­ss.
EILEEN T. MESLAR/CHICAGO TRIBUNE Ald. Carlos Ramirez Rosa, 35th, celebrates with Mayor Brandon Johnson and members of the Bring Chicago Home coalition during an Oct. 31 news conference after a Chicago City Council committee advanced an ordinance that would ask voters about raising the real estate transfer tax to combat homelessne­ss.

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