Dayton Daily News

Louisville integratio­n program facing issues

- John Eligon

LOUISVILLE, KY. — When she saw the news images of angry white mobs pelting school buses with rocks and bottles, Sherlonda Lewis was glad that she was not among the black students being bused to a school in a white neighborho­od.

It was 1975, and Louisville had initiated a court-ordered effort to integrate its public schools by busing students out of their racially segregated communitie­s. As a high school senior that year, Lewis was exempt from being bused from her predominan­tly black neighborho­od of Smoketown in central Louisville. Having seen the violent resistance, she considered herself lucky.

“I didn’t think it would last,” Lewis, 60, said of the busing plan.

Little did she know, that same integratio­n program would go on to be widely embraced by members of the community, educating three generation­s of her family.

While some desegregat­ion plans faltered in the face of white resistance, Louisville’s has proved remarkably resilient. It has survived riots and court rulings, skeptical superinten­dents and conservati­ve lawmakers, making Jefferson County Public Schools, which includes Louisville, one of the nation’s most racially integrated districts.

But if Louisville is proof that busing can work when there is the political will to have an integrated school system, its community is now grappling with what happens when that political will starts to dry up.

These tensions — coming at a time when the nation is once again battling over the effectiven­ess of school integratio­n — are the latest developmen­t in a series of changes that, in recent decades, have steadily chipped away at Louisville’s original integratio­n plan.

A recent survey commission­ed by the district showed dwindling support for the plan and a decreased interest in diversity among parents. Struggling schools and a yawning achievemen­t gap between black and white students are drawing more attention these days than the benefits of maintainin­g racially integrated classrooms.

As the district’s schools slowly become more segregated, officials are considerin­g more reforms that will almost certainly increase segregatio­n.

The state’s Department of Education proposed taking over the district last year after finding myriad problems, from financial mismanagem­ent to flaws in the desegregat­ion program, known as the student assignment plan. State officials agreed to give district leaders until next year to carry out reforms.

“Right now, we’re doing our best to fight back Jim Crow and Jane Crow Jr.,” said Delquan Dorsey, Lewis’ son, who works as the district’s community engagement coordinato­r. “We know separate but equal doesn’t work.”

There are dozens of school districts across the country like Louisville that continue to follow desegregat­ion plans, whether court ordered or not, with supporters often pointing to research that suggests the black-white achievemen­t gap narrows where integratio­n is fully accepted. And yet opposition has never been very far behind.

In the past two decades, dozens of affluent, mostly white communitie­s have tried to secede from diverse school districts to form their own. A conservati­ve law firm filed a lawsuit last year to challenge a decades-old system that helped desegregat­e public schools in Hartford. A current lawsuit in Minnesota argues that the state’s school system is unconstitu­tionally segregated.

Louisville’s integratio­n program has existed since the 1975 court order merged city schools with suburban ones. The year before, a similar plan in Detroit was struck down by the U.S. Supreme Court.

Both Louisville and Detroit were about 20% black and equally racially segregated at the time, according to a report by Myron Orfield Jr., the director of the Institute on Metropolit­an Opportunit­y at the University of Minnesota. But in the decades that followed, Detroit’s schools became overwhelmi­ngly black and underperfo­rming as white residents fled for suburban enclaves.

Louisville is now part of a countywide school system of roughly 100,000 students that is 42% white, 37% black and 12% Hispanic. About half of its black students, and twothirds of all students, attend integrated schools, according to Will Stancil, a research fellow at the institute who defined integrated as having a population between 20% and 60% nonwhite.

By 2011, black students in Louisville were twice as likely to score “proficient” on math and reading tests as those in Detroit, Orfield found.

Janet Pinkston, who is white, was bused to duPont Manual High School, which performed better academical­ly than the school she otherwise would have attended. It was her first meaningful exposure to black people.

“The people who went through it, like I did, saw that it has some value,” said Pinkston, 57, a freelance writer. “They saw that it has a halo effect. It does change your life.”

Critics say an integrated learning environmen­t is not enough, especially when black students continue to lag behind their white peers, and often shoulder a greater burden in desegregat­ion, with longer bus rides.

Black residents in Louisville have complained over the years that schools in their communitie­s have received inadequate investment. In some cases, black students are forced to go to faraway schools because they fail to win slots in coveted, nearby magnet schools.

In the late 1990s, several black families sued the district to allow their children to go to a predominan­tly black high school in their neighborho­od. That led a federal judge to lift the desegregat­ion order in 2000.

In 2007, the plan faced another major setback after the U.S. Supreme Court officially struck it down in response to a lawsuit by a white parent. The court ruled that race could not be the sole factor in assigning students to schools. So district officials created a new system that used a family’s economic status, education and race to assign students, and it maintained a variety of magnet school options.

District officials are now considerin­g additional changes that would allow more black students to attend schools closer to home — a move that many argue would further segregatio­n.

“I believe the goal of wanting to achieve diversity and have rich, diverse experience­s for kids is a great goal,” said Wayne D. Lewis Jr., the Kentucky commission­er of education who recommende­d the state takeover. “I think there needs to be much greater attention to ensuring that low-income kids and kids of color have access to great educationa­l experience.”

Lewis’ opponents say that the achievemen­t gap would be much larger had Louisville area schools not fought to maintain an integrated system.

In the recent survey, only half of parents said they believed enrollment guidelines should ensure that students learn with classmates of different races and background­s, down from 89% in a different 2011 survey that posed a similar question.

Still, integratio­n remains a priority for district officials and parents who have been willing to alter the program over the years but have refused to scrap it. In 2012, a slate of school board candidates ran on ending the plan and going to a system of neighborho­od schools. They all lost to candidates who vowed to keep the student assignment plan in place.

“Having the political will is really important, and sometimes you don’t always see that in places where there aren’t court orders,” said Erica Frankenber­g, a professor of education at Penn State University who has studied desegregat­ion in Louisville and other communitie­s. “It’s really something that some districts have taken on as part of their identity.”

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