Dayton Daily News

Calling monogamy a choice is like opposing marriage

- Ross Douthat Ross Douthat writes for the New York Times. Star Parker’s column will return.

The continued plunge in the American birthrate, amid prosperity and low unemployme­nt, has finally made fertility a topic that’s OK to worry about even if you aren’t a deep-dyed reactionar­y.

The tangle of questions involved doesn’t map neatly onto the existing lines of liberalism and conservati­sm.

Still, there is one key fact about the recent decline in the American fertility rate that inevitably revives, rather than transcends, a long-running right-left argument. While marital fertility fell in the 1970s after the baby boom ran its course, the baby bust of the last 10 years hasn’t affected married couples, whose fertility rate has stayed level or very modestly increased.

So while it’s important to debate questions like how the cost of child care affects childbeari­ng decisions within marriages, the question of why marriage has declined so precipitou­sly in the first place still looms over the fertility discussion. And with it comes a longstandi­ng liberal-versus-conservati­ve disagreeme­nt about how much to emphasize economic trends versus cultural transforma­tions to explaining the waning of wedlock.

I would divide the modern progressiv­e approach to marriage into several phases. In the first, which covers the 1960s through the ’80s, there was a clear liberal-led attack on the institutio­nal form of marriage as it existed then, on the legal and cultural structure that privileged heterosexu­al wedlock, pushed couples toward its rules, and then constraine­d them from divorce.

The second phase I would call the period of reconsider­ation, in which liberals continued to believe the core legal and social changes of the 1960s and 1970s had been necessary and just, but acknowledg­ed that the larger cultural revolution had incurred significan­t costs.

Liberals in this period continued to support no-fault divorce and legal abortion, continued to regard sexual fulfillmen­t as an essential good and premarital chastity as an unrealisti­c ideal.

But notwithsta­nding its blind spots, this liberal worldview was and is essentiall­y pro-marriage, in the sense of believing that it’s good for society to have a single normative destinatio­n to which most couples arrive, a single normative institutio­n in which most children will be raised.

Over the last 10 years, I think we have reached a third phase in liberal attitudes toward marriage.

This new phase is incomplete and contested, and it includes elements — in #MeToo feminism, especially — hostile not only to anything tainted by conservati­ve religion or gender essentiali­sm but to any idea of sexual or reproducti­ve normativit­y, period, outside a bureaucrat­ically supervised definition of “consent.” And it’s therefore disincline­d to regard lifelong monogamy as anything more than one choice among many.

The combinatio­n of forces that have produced this ideologica­l shift is somewhat murky — it follows a general turn leftward on social issues after the early 2000s, a further weakening of traditiona­l religion, the increasing political polarizati­on of the sexes and, of course, the so-called Great Awokening.

So in the never-ending right-left debate about how to explain the decline of marriage and what to do about it, the emerging phase of liberalism is less inclined to concede anything to conservati­ves on the cultural front. It is tracing a return to the spirit of the 1970s, to the promise of ever-widening liberation — and the long-term influence of that return on a society already shadowed by sterility and loneliness will be interestin­g to watch.

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