Dayton Daily News

New reparation­s focus: Black enclaves lost in name of developmen­t

- By Philip Marcelo

PROVIDENCE, R.I. — Terrell Osborne knows well what happens when urban renewal comes to communitie­s of color.

As a child growing up in Providence, Rhode Island, in the 1950s and 1960s, huge swaths of his neighborho­od of Lippitt Hill, a center of Black life at the foot of the stately homes of the city’s elite East Side, were taken by eminent domain for redevelopm­ent projects.

Hundreds of Black families and dozens of minority small businesses across some 30 acres were bulldozed. In their place rose an apartment complex catering to downtown workers and students and faculty at nearby Brown University, as well as a shopping plaza now anchored by a Whole Foods and a Starbucks.

Meanwhile, Black families like the Osbornes were scattered across the city and never compensate­d.

“We had stores. People owned things. Money was circulatin­g around,” said Osborne, who now lives on Providence’s South Side. “There was a whole community there, and they just took that neighborho­od and we never got anything for it. Not even as much as a thank you.”

As Providence gears up to provide reparation­s to Black residents for centuries of injustices, city officials are looking beyond the city’s leading role in the Colonial transatlan­tic slave trade.

They’re looking to atone, at least initially, for what happened during urban renewal efforts of the late 20th century, a period that saw Black and Native American communitie­s such as Lippitt Hill razed to make way for new residentia­l and business developmen­ts that paved the way for the city’s modern economy, anchored around its universiti­es and hospitals.

The approach builds off the blueprint in Evanston, a Chicago suburb that became the first in the nation to begin paying reparation­s last year with a program providing Black residents grants for mortgage payments and home repairs, in acknowledg­ment of the historic discrimina­tion Black people endured when trying to buy homes.

By making progress on such modern day wrongs, communitie­s can hopefully start to overcome longstandi­ng resistance to reparation­s, says Justin Hansford, a professor at Howard University’s law school who spearheads the African American Redress Network, which tracks reparation­s efforts nationwide.

Local cities and towns, college and even states are increasing­ly taking up reparation­s as efforts at the federal level have gone nowhere. Harvard University announced late last month it’ll spend $100 million to atone for its slave ties while California is pioneering a statewide task force on reparation­s.

“We know its a losing conversati­on to talk about slavery in the 1600s,” said Raymond “Two Hawks” Watson, a member of Providence’s recently formed reparation­s commission whose family has long lived in the Lippitt Hill area. “But we also know we don’t have to go that far back. We know what happened with urban renewal and we can see what’s happening with gentrifica­tion. We’re able to show this is just a continuati­on of what’s been going on for centuries.”

Providence’s efforts also notably look to use some $15 million in federal COVID-19 funds to jump-start reparation­s work, something other city leaders have pursued recently.

In Athens, Georgia, Mayor Kelly Girtz says his proposed budget calls for using pandemic relief money to establish a housing fund for Black residents akin to Evanston’s. Athens, like Providence, seeks to atone for the razing of the Black neighborho­od of Linnentown to make way for University of Georgia dormitorie­s and parking lots in the 1960s.

In Providence, centuries of discrimina­tion have left communitie­s of color far poorer than white enclaves: Median household income on the affluent, largely white East Side is nearly $180,000 a year, compared to nearly $19,000 in the city’s predominan­tly Black and Latino South Side.

On Lippitt Hill, families weren’t compensate­d but instead offered priority in claiming a unit in the new residentia­l developmen­t, which became known as University Heights, says Osborne. But the modern apartments were financiall­y out of reach for most.

Cheryl Taylor, whose family was forced to move and shutter their repair business on Lippitt Hill to make way for another developmen­t, hopes the reparation­s process can help Black residents purchase their own homes. The few like her who remain living nearby are renters in an increasing­ly unaffordab­le part of town.

“They’re all white. I don’t know these people,” Taylor says of the neighborho­od’s newer residents.

Looking back, Osborne wonders if the destructio­n of his old neighborho­od was an effort to dilute the growing power of the city’s Black community.

Osborne’s family was among a number of working class but upwardly mobile Black households on the hillside that separates the East Side from downtown.

His grandfathe­r, Clarence “Legs” Osborne, was a trumpeter who played with Count Basie, Duke Ellington and other famous Black musical acts. His uncle, Jeffrey Osborne, went on to become a Grammy-nominated R&B singer with a string of hits in the 1980s, including “On the Wings of Love.”

Osborne, who heads a Providence organizati­on that provides musical opportunit­ies to youths, says he’d like to see the city establish a college scholarshi­p fund or programs to help Black residents build equity, rather than making direct payouts to impacted families like his.

“The question with reparation­s is always where do you start. Why not start with something that’s tangible?” he said. “We’re here. We’re not buried in the past, and we know something should have happened then. Maybe now is the time.”

 ?? AP ?? Providence resident Terrell Osborne stands in front of what was a general store in the early 1960s in the area once known as the Lippitt Hill neighborho­od.
AP Providence resident Terrell Osborne stands in front of what was a general store in the early 1960s in the area once known as the Lippitt Hill neighborho­od.

Newspapers in English

Newspapers from United States