Dayton Daily News

Will GOP learn anything from the Trump-Boebert-Greene follies?

- E.J. Dionne Jr. E.J. Dionne Jr. is a journalist, political commentato­r, and op-ed columnist for The Washington Post.

When you have a simple problem with your car, you fix it. When lots of things go wrong at once, you usually realize it’s time to trade it in. For American conservati­ves, last week was an occasion to ponder whether their whole approach is starting to look like a junker.

If they are wise enough to consider new ideas, they might consider the simplest option of all: being conservati­ves again.

They could start by being a lot more serious than Donald Trump was in his calamitous interview with Fox News’s Bret Baier, in which the former president revealed that the classified documents that led to his indictment might have been mixed up “with all sorts of things — golf shirts, clothing, pants, shoes, there were many things.”

“Iran war plans?” Baier cheerfully inquired.

Trump has been let off the hook by his own side so often that it was striking that prominent conservati­ve commentato­rs used the Baier encounter to pose fundamenta­l questions about his presidenti­al candidacy.

Rich Lowry, editor in chief of National Review, noted in Politico that while Trump’s legal troubles over the documents might only make Republican­s rally to him more fervently, the response of the swing voters he’ll need in a general election is likely to be ruinous. Lowry’s pithy summary: “What might really kill Trump in a general makes him stronger with Republican primary voters.”

Karl Rove, architect of George W. Bush’s electoral victories, observed in the Wall Street Journal that Trump’s performanc­e on Fox News “ranged from unpersuasi­ve to incoherent.” Rove pointed to a much-cited CNN poll showing Trump losing support even among Republican­s and Republican-leaning independen­ts, but still remaining well ahead of the GOP pack. Like Lowry, Rove was far more worried about independen­ts, who supported Trump’s indictment by a 2-to-1 margin.

Granted, neither Lowry nor Rove have been Trump fans. But the issue they raised about the conservati­ve movement is fundamenta­l: If GOP rankand-filers are so far out of line with middle-of-the road opinion, the party’s future is grim.

This same problem accounted for the miserable time House Speaker Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.) had in trying to lead what my inimitable Post colleague Dana Milbank called the “House of Recriminat­ions.” McCarthy wanted to protect the 18 House Republican­s who represent districts Joe Biden carried in 2020 from having to vote on impeaching him for, well, nothing really.

But Rep. Lauren Boebert (R-Colo.) was determined to get a leg up on her ultraright rival, Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.), who had prepared her own articles of impeachmen­t. The country got a glimpse of the radical right in disarray as Greene called Boebert a “little b---” for her alleged act of plagiarism — and for striking first. (And we’re supposed to think this is about principle?)

Eventually, McCarthy convinced Republican­s to refer the impeachmen­t articles to two House committees rather than acting on them directly, but this still forced vulnerable Republican­s to cast a vote that started the impeachmen­t process.

This is unlikely to go down well with moderate voters who recoil from Boebert-Greene Republican­ism.

Given how mesmerized the party’s primary voters are with Trump, Republican politician­s are caught in a vicious cycle of their own making. Fearing reprisal from a man who revels in vendettas, the party’s leaders stay largely silent even when they know better. But their reticence makes the party’s core constituen­cy ever more radical by driving moderate Republican­s to flee to independen­t status — or even to the Democrats.

This makes compromise of the sort McCarthy reached with Biden on the debt ceiling toxic within the party. A poll released this month showed why.

The survey found that by a healthy 59% to 41% margin, Americans preferred a member of Congress who “compromise­s to get things done” rather than one who “sticks to their principles, no matter what.” But whereas 81% of Democrats said they preferred compromise­rs, 58% of Republican­s were in the “no matter what” crowd. If you are looking for the core driver of gridlock, this is it.

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