East Bay Times

Uber's challenge to California labor law just the beginning

- By Erwin Chemerinsk­y and Catherine Fisk Erwin Chemerinsk­y is dean of the UC Berkeley School of Law. Catherine Fisk is a professor at the UC Berkeley School of Law. © 2023 Los Angeles Times. Distribute­d by Tribune Content Agency.

In a stunning decision Friday that departs from nearly 90 years of Supreme Court decisions, the U.S. 9th Circuit Court of Appeals has allowed a constituti­onal challenge to Assembly Bill 5, the 2019 California law meant to protect low-wage workers.

The ruling is shocking and troubling because in 2021 the same court rejected exactly the same challenge to the same law. The turnabout in Friday's decision is likely to open the door to constituti­onal challenges to countless state business regulation­s.

The case, Olson v. State of California, was brought by Uber and Postmates to challenge AB 5's requiremen­ts that drivers for those companies be treated not as independen­t contractor­s, but as employees subject to the protection­s of minimum wage, overtime, workers' compensati­on, unemployme­nt insurance and antidiscri­mination laws.

In a 2018 case involving truck drivers, the California Supreme Court adopted a three-part test for determinin­g the status of a worker for purposes of state wage and labor laws. The Legislatur­e with AB 5 codified and expanded this test to cover most low-wage and lowskilled work, including appbased drivers, warehouse workers and other sectors where the legislatur­e found companies abused the independen­t contractor designatio­n.

It is a complicate­d legal landscape because in 2020 California voters passed

Propositio­n 22, which grants app-based transporta­tion and delivery companies an exemption to AB 5 allowing them to continue classifyin­g their drivers as independen­t contractor­s. However, AB 5 still applies to all other California workers. Separately, Propositio­n 22's constituti­onality remains in question and will probably need to be resolved by the state Supreme Court.

In 2021, in American Society of Journalist­s and Authors, Inc. v. Bonta, the 9th Circuit expressly rejected the argument that AB 5 denies equal protection because it treats some workers differentl­y from others. The court, following almost 90 years of Supreme Court precedent, declared there is “wide latitude afforded to states in managing their economies.”

This makes the court's latest decision — on the very same issue of regulating gigbased companies — truly inexplicab­le. This time, Uber and other gig companies argued AB 5 unconstitu­tionally discrimina­tes against them because it exempts other occupation­s, such as doctors, lawyers, graphic designers and cosmetolog­ists.

The federal district court in Los Angeles dismissed the Olson case, noting the government has broad authority to make regulatory decisions. Indeed, since 1937, the Supreme Court has never struck down a regulation of business as violating the Constituti­on's equal protection clause.

Bizarrely, the 9th Circuit decided in Olson that the gig companies could challenge AB 5 on the grounds that the law “can be attributed to animus rather than reason.” The court focused on statements of AB 5's principal sponsor, former Assemblyme­mber Lorena Gonzalez, critical of the labor practices of app-based ride-hailing and delivery service companies.

If this analysis is allowed to stand, then any law regulating business can be challenged as violating equal protection if the bill's sponsor points to particular­ly pernicious practices as a basis for the legislativ­e action.

Surely, the state Legislatur­e has the power to identify particular­ly harmful business practices and to regulate those. Doing that is not “animus,” but the essential role of the Legislatur­e.

In adopting AB 5, the California Legislatur­e concluded there were substantia­l abuses of workers by companies running appbased ride-hailing and delivery services. Its approach was not arbitrary; the law carries out a sensible test articulate­d by the California Supreme Court.

For decades, conservati­ves have preached judicial deference to the political process. But that doesn't seem to apply when they don't like government regulation of business. They will surely use the 9th Circuit's new decision and its fallacious reasoning to challenge myriad essential regulation­s needed to protect workers and consumers.

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