Mitch McCon­nell: How to Win With­out Do­ing Any­thing

El Dorado News-Times - - Viewpoint - MICHAEL SHAN­NON Michael Shan­non is a com­men­ta­tor and pub­lic re­la­tions con­sul­tant, and is the author of "A Con­ser­va­tive Chris­tian's Guide­book for Liv­ing in Sec­u­lar Times." He can be reached at man­date. mmpr@gmail.com.

The best sum­mary of the 2018 mid-term elec­tions came from Na­tional Re­view, that hot­bed of Never Trump­ism. David French wrote, "Repub­li­cans so­lid­i­fied their the­o­ret­i­cal ad­van­tages in the [Se­nate]."

"The­o­ret­i­cal" be­ing the op­er­a­tive word. With Cu­ra­tor of the Se­nate Mitch McCon­nell in charge, any con­ser­va­tive changes in the sta­tus quo were al­ways only "the­o­ret­i­cal." That's why the big win­ner of this elec­tion was McCon­nell.

As this is writ­ten the left has picked up 29 House seats and lost 3 seats in the Se­nate. That's not a "blue wave". It's more like the splash on your shoes af­ter a lob­by­ist's SUV drives by dur­ing a DC rain storm, while you wait for a bus.

In Clin­ton's first midterm he lost 54 House seats and 8 Se­nate seats, and that was be­fore he went all Har­vey We­in­stein on the help.

No­bel Prize-win­ning Obama, beloved by all, lost 63 House seats and 6 Se­nate seats in 2010. As Ed Rogers pointed out, the left's vic­tory didn't even ex­ploit the al­leged na­tional loathing for Trump. "Democrats have un­der­per­formed in com­par­i­son with the his­tor­i­cal mark­ers and gen­eral ex­pec­ta­tions of a midterm cy­cle. The pres­i­dent's party loses 37 seats in the House on aver­age in midterm elec­tions when his ap­proval is be­low 50 per­cent - but Democrats aren't pro­jected to pick up nearly that many seats."

Some of th­ese num­bers could change by the time you read this be­cause Democrats have dis­patched vote-find­ing teams for the un­de­cided races. Th­ese grave rob­bers and dump­ster divers some­how man­age to un­earth pre­vi­ously hid­den left­ist votes in much the same way the French find truf­fles.

Mitch McCon­nell, Ar­chi­tect of In­er­tia, wins be­cause even the most ra­bid mem­bers of the base won't ex­pect him to pass con­ser­va­tive leg­is­la­tion when the House is held by An­tifa.

Had Repub­li­cans held the House, the ad­di­tional three new GOP sen­a­tors would have been an un­mit­i­gated dis­as­ter for McCon­nell. The pres­sure to fi­nally pass leg­is­la­tion con­ser­va­tives have been promised dur­ing the cam­paign, but some­how gets lost on the trip back to DC, would have been over­whelm­ing.

A re­lieved McCon­nell will spend the next two years cheer­fully func­tion­ing as the Hu­man Re­sources of­fice for the White House ju­di­cial nom­i­na­tion team. Af­ter each con­fir­ma­tion, Mitch will claim the ap­proved judge is a vic­tory for Se­nate con­ser­va­tives.

The truth is ev­ery judge is a vic­tory for the man McCon­nell se­cretly de­spises: Don­ald Trump. His vic­tory in 2016 up­set all the cu­ra­tor's care­ful plans. With Hil­lary in the White House Mitch could be his nat­u­ral, pas­sive-ag­gres­sive self. Trump ended the 'if we only con­trolled the White House' ex­cuse Se­nate coun­try club con­ser­va­tives used to jus­tify their leg­isla­tive coma.

Even af­ter Trump made the McCon­nell fam­ily a two-in­come house­hold again - his wife is Sec. of Trans­porta­tion - Mitch showed his grat­i­tude by re­fus­ing to sup­port Trump's bud­get, Trump's wall and Trump's ef­fort to shrink the fed­eral gov­ern­ment. McCon­nell is re­spon­si­ble for 90 per­cent of the fail­ure to pass Trump's leg­isla­tive agenda.

Now McCon­nell is mum­bling about work­ing with Democrats. This means he's ready to re­open the Pork Palace un­der the guise of "bi­par­ti­san­ship", be­cause the only ac­tiv­ity the two tribes in In­cum­bentstan can agree upon is spend­ing money.

McCon­nell will en­joy the ex­tra three-vote pad on ju­di­cial con­fir­ma­tion votes even though he did noth­ing to pro­duce the un­prece­dented se­nate vic­to­ries.

He avoided the im­mi­gra­tion is­sue. He didn't force Democrats to cast votes that would not play well at home. McCon­nell did al­most noth­ing aside from his HR du­ties.

The pres­i­dent, on the other hand was a cam­paign­ing ma­chine. As Laura Hol­lis pointed out, "[Trump] was in­stru­men­tal in the GOP vic­to­ries in Florida, In­di­ana, Texas, Ohio, Ten­nessee, Mis­souri and North Dakota."

Trump won run­ning his is­sues and not those of the house­bro­ken con­ser­va­tives hid­ing in the Swamp. Frank Can­non and Paul Dupont summed it up nicely, "The GOP [McCon­nell and the 'lead­er­ship'] can­not af­ford to set­tle for a "truce" strat­egy on so­cial is­sues, sur­ren­der­ing to Democrats the power to de­fine the cul­tural nar­ra­tive. This re­peat­edly has proven to be elec­toral sui­cide. If Repub­li­cans are to cap­i­tal­ize on the Democrats' grow­ing weak­ness, they must cam­paign un­apolo­get­i­cally as con­ser­va­tives, as Pres­i­dent Trump did in 2016, or else re­sign them­selves to even­tual de­feat."

Ed Rogers has sage ad­vice for the cu­ra­tor, "Vot­ers had a chance to re­pu­di­ate Trump and they did not. Much of the com­men­tariat has said this year's elec­tions are about who we are as a coun­try and what Amer­ica is all about. Well, a lot of Amer­ica seems to be about sup­port­ing Trump."

If McCon­nell - who has a lower ap­proval rat­ing in Ken­tucky than Trump - can't grasp that fact he needs to get out of the way.

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