Enterprise-Record (Chico)

Democrats want a delay more than the testimony

- Marc Thiessen Follow Marc A. Thiessen on Twitter, @marcthiess­en.

WASHINGTON » If House Democrats really cared about getting former national security adviser John Bolton’s testimony, they would not wait for Senate Republican­s to vote on it. There is nothing that bars House Democrats from calling new impeachmen­t witnesses just because the Senate impeachmen­t trial is underway. Bolton dropped his objections to testifying more than three weeks ago. So, why didn’t the House issue a subpoena right then and there?

Answer: Because the Democrats’ goal is not to obtain Bolton’s testimony. Rather, it is to tie the Senate in knots, extend the Senate trial as long as possible and inflict maximum political damage on the president and Senate Republican­s. If Republican­s let them get away with it, they will set a dangerous precedent.

Unlike the House, the Senate cannot turn to other business in legislativ­e session while an impeachmen­t trial is underway without unanimous consent of all senators. If the Senate votes to call Bolton to testify, even if Bolton agrees to cooperate, the president would almost certainly seek an injunction to prevent him from doing so. That could tie the Senate in litigation that could last for many months.

Even if Bolton ultimately testified, during the trial the president’s defense team could object to his answering specific questions on the grounds that his answers would irreparabl­y damage the presidency by divulging privileged informatio­n. The Senate might be forced to vote on every individual objection. And even if the Senate voted to allow Bolton to answer, and Bolton agreed to do so, the president’s lawyers could go to court to seek an injunction to prevent him from answering. In other words, there is almost no scenario in which the Senate is not dragged into court.

How long would the court battle take? During the Nixon impeachmen­t inquiry, it took three months for the Supreme Court to rule on the president’s claim of privilege, but that was because the Supreme Court agreed to bypass the U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia. Most executive privilege cases take much longer.

It’s impossible to predict how the courts would rule, but this much is certain: The president’s claims of privilege would not be dismissed quickly or lightly. Courts have accorded the president great deference on such claims when it comes to matters of national security, so they would very likely give similar weight to the president’s claims when it concerns conversati­ons with his national security adviser. Moreover, in deciding whether to breach the president’s privilege, the courts would take into account the House managers’ testimony before the Senate in which they claimed they had proved their case without Bolton’s testimony.

But the bigger question is:

Why should the Senate be stuck with this mess? There has never been a presidenti­al impeachmen­t trial in which the Senate was forced to resolve issues of privilege. That is the House’s job. If the House had subpoenaed Bolton months ago, the legal battle would be well underway. If representa­tives had done it even three weeks ago, when Bolton agreed to testify, we would be three weeks further along in the litigation fight.

Instead, the House failed to meet its responsibi­lities and threw the whole mess into the Senate’s lap. If senators agree to go along, they would set a precedent for future impeachmen­t trials.

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