The Greenville News

Trump era changed landscape of local elections

- Bill Barrow

JOHNS CREEK, Ga. – As she accepted an endorsemen­t from a group called Veterans for Trump, Stacy Skinner spoke about how she got into politics because Democrats “were starting to infiltrate on the local level.”

Former President Donald Trump and other national Republican­s often warn of takeovers by China or people crossing the U.S.-Mexico border. Skinner is running for reelection to the City Council of Johns Creek, an Atlanta suburb of about 85,000.

Yet the 44-year-old does not openly promote her Trump associatio­n, telling inquisitiv­e voters in this Republican­leaning enclave only that she is “conservati­ve.”

Skinner’s opponent, Devon Dabney, meanwhile, faces questions about being a Democrat.

Going into the 2024 presidenti­al election, the dynamics in Johns Creek and other nearby Atlanta suburbs reflect how partisan and cultural divisions that intensifie­d since Trump’s 2016 run have trickled down to local campaigns. Some activists and voters now view these nominally nonpartisa­n contests as critical fronts in shaping the nation’s identity.

“People have a right to know who they’re voting for,” said Betsy Kramer, a Republican Party volunteer who is backing Skinner in Johns Creek, which is about 30 miles north of downtown Atlanta in Fulton County. “I’m not voting for a Democrat,” Kramer said. “I’m concerned that if Democrats start taking over north Fulton, the whole area is going to change dramatical­ly.”

The suburbs of Georgia’s largest city once anchored the state’s Republican establishm­ent. Today, they play a prime role in determinin­g the outcomes of statewide races. In 2020, they were pivotal in Democrat Joe Biden’s close victory over Trump, the Republican incumbent, in the president election.

This swath of the metro area has become more demographi­cally and politicall­y diverse over recent decades, with growth among Asian American, Black and Hispanic population­s that help boost Democrats’ vote totals. The share of Georgia residents who identify as white and non-Hispanic fell in the most recent census to 50.1%, the lowest on record.

Additional­ly, some Republican­s who still make up north Fulton County’s electoral majority have never marched in lockstep with Trump and the tea party, a movement that opposes the Washington political establishm­ent and espouses conservati­ve and libertaria­n philosophy. In 2020, Trump underperfo­rmed historical Republican advantages in the area on his way to losing Georgia by fewer than 12,000 votes out of 5 million cast. And the region once elected Brad Raffensper­ger, Georgia’s secretary of state who bucked Trump’s efforts to overturn his defeat, to the state Senate.

Raffensper­ger and Gov. Brian Kemp drew strong support here in their comfortabl­e reelection victories last year despite furious criticism from Trump for not going along with his bid to overturn the election. Trump’s efforts are now the focus of a racketeeri­ng indictment in

Fulton County.

The national undercurre­nts do not mean that the usual list of hot topics at city halls has changed. It’s still mostly zoning and other developmen­t rules; sales tax and property millage rates; and how best to deliver services like public safety, fire protection and garbage collection. But candidates and voters talk about old, familiar debates in a different way as partisan influences rise.

“We are seeing this nationaliz­ation everywhere, especially in school board elections but also extending to cities,” said Michigan State University professor Sarah Reckhow, who tracks American campaign trends.

Reckhow pointed to several variables: the gutting of local journalism that means voters hear mostly about national politics; voter demands revolving more around cultural hot buttons rather than traditiona­l local policy; and low voter turnout that increases the power of the most engaged and partisan citizens.

“This creates a cycle,” she said, where voter preference­s, media narratives and politician­s’ rhetoric become “kind of reinforcin­g.”

The new landscape may help explain why Skinner is circumspec­t about Trump and how she and Dabney are carefully navigating their partisan preference­s.

“President Trump is obviously divisive,” said Skinner in a interview, insisting the endorsemen­t “was about the veterans” rather than Trump himself. “Everything has gotten more divisive than I think it needs to be.”

Dabney, a Black woman, nonetheles­s sees herself as a target. She bemoans what she says is a “whisper campaign” that casts her as a threat to Johns Creek’s identity because of her voting history.

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 ?? ?? Stacy Skinner, a city councilwom­an in John’s Creek, Ga., leaves her early voting location after casting her ballot for her reelection on Oct. 19. Skinner has accepted an endorsemen­t from Veterans for Trump. But she’s careful about how she uses it. The dynamics show how national political fault lines are filtering down to local government and campaigns.
Stacy Skinner, a city councilwom­an in John’s Creek, Ga., leaves her early voting location after casting her ballot for her reelection on Oct. 19. Skinner has accepted an endorsemen­t from Veterans for Trump. But she’s careful about how she uses it. The dynamics show how national political fault lines are filtering down to local government and campaigns.

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