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‘For most Black Americans, the American dream is a nightmare’

- Fred McKinney

“In all things that are purely social we can be as separate as the fingers, yet one as the hand in all things essential to mutual progress.”

Booker T. Washington, Atlanta Exposition Speech, 1896

In the May 17, 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled unanimousl­y that “separate education facilities are inherently unequal.” This decision set the nation on a path toward legal integratio­n as a solution to the racial apartheid system that had become the practice in America, particular­ly in the former Confederat­e states since the end of Reconstruc­tion in 1877.

Racial apartheid, aka “Jim Crow,” was the law of the land that legally separated Black Americans from white Americans in almost every aspect of life — social, political and personal. Jim Crow was also the primary reason for the economic underdevel­opment of Black Americans and their communitie­s.

Now, after 70 years of attempted integratio­n, I must objectivel­y conclude that while integratio­n has worked for many Black Americans who have acquired higher education and profession­al success, for most Black Americans, the American dream is a nightmare. The fundamenta­l question facing Black Americans is: “What should our goals be in the American experiment?” The dominant view of the Black American goal since the Brown decision has been integratio­n: integratio­n of schools, neighborho­ods, job opportunit­ies, political office, business opportunit­ies, and families.

Integratio­n became the dominant goal for moral and practical reasons. Martin Luther King articulate­d the moral damage segregatio­n and racial discrimina­tion have on American society, on its victims and its victimizer­s. Integratio­n also won the philosophi­cal debate between integratio­n and separation. As much as I admire Marcus Garvey, who was a fervent proponent of repatriati­on, 46 million Black Americans are not going to return to Africa. Moreover, the United States is not going to cede territory to Black Americans. Realistica­lly, separation is not what most Black Americans want. Integratio­n makes sense given these realities. The problem is White America does not want integratio­n.

While it borders on sacrilege to claim that integratio­n has not achieved its objectives for the overwhelmi­ng majority of Black Americans, the facts are the facts. Despite gentrifica­tion, Bedford-Stuyvesant in Brooklyn, N.Y.,Harlem in Manhattan, Anacostia in Washington, D.C., Compton in Los Angeles, Bronzevill­e in Chicago, Roxbury in Boston, the Third Ward in Houston, Treme in New Orleans, Dixwell in New Haven, and the North End in Hartford are just a few of the still largely segregated communitie­s across the United States. After 70 years of integratio­n, these and other similar communitie­s are still Black and brown, and largely remain low-income, high crime, and under-resourced communitie­s.

Integratio­n has worked well for Black Americans who left these communitie­s and found homes in higher income, predominan­tly white communitie­s. But this formula for Black American advancemen­t has demonstrat­ed its limits; it is inapplicab­le to the majority of Black Americans who remain stuck in our nation’s ghettos.

I think it is time to reconsider racial integratio­n as the strategy for economic developmen­t of Black communitie­s.

The choice today is not Washington, Garvey, or Dubois. The strategy must synthesize aspects from the visions of these great Black philosophe­rs.

This strategy would promote high-income Black Americans moving to where most Black people live: the Black communitie­s like those listed above. Traditiona­l integratio­n has failed because as high-income Black Americans have moved out of traditiona­l Black communitie­s into white communitie­s, those higher-income Blacks took their resources with them.

This is not an appeal to return to the days of Jim Crow. Nobody in the Black community wants that. But what we do want that happened during the Jim Crow era was the income, wealth, and educationa­l diversity that these communitie­s do not have today. In the 1950s, Black physicians, civil servants, teachers, policemen, entreprene­urs, artists and other profession­als lived in the same communitie­s as low-wage workers, the uneducated, and welfare recipients. However, when given the opportunit­y, higher income Blacks migrated from these communitie­s to communitie­s that socially resembled their own economic status.

Economic diversity in Black communitie­s would improve the public schools and services. An economical­ly diverse Black community would provide the resources to support Black businesses that are terribly lacking. In my community in the greater Bridgeport area, the largest city in Connecticu­t, there is not one licensed Black-owned plumbing company. Most Black cities and communitie­s do not have any Black-owned grocery stores. That would change if there was economic diversity within Black communitie­s. According to the University of Michigan, in 2022 Black Americans had $1.6 trillion in spending power. That is six times the GDP of the country of Portugal. The problem for Black communitie­s is that this spending is dispersed and does not circulate where most Black Americans live.

This is easier said than done. The obvious question is why affluent Black Americans would return to the economical­ly disadvanta­ged Black communitie­s they left. The reasons are racial pride and common sense. Seventy years since the Brown decision, most Black Americans are still in segregated schools and crime-ridden neighborho­ods. Racial integratio­n is not working. If we want to change the economic life trajectory of all Black Americans, Black Americans like me must move back into the places where most Black Americans live.

Fred McKinney is the co-founder of BJM Solutions, an economic consulting firm that conducts public and private research since 1999, and is the emeritus director of the Peoples Center for Innovation and Entreprene­urship at Quinnipiac University.

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Nakahodo/MCT

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